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ABSTRACT

REDD+ is an international policy aimed at incentivizing forest conservation and management and improving forest governance. In this article, we interrogate how newly articulated REDD+ governance processes established to guide the formulation of Nepal’s REDD+ approach address issues of participation for different social groups. Specifically, we analyse available forums of participation for different social groups, as well as the nature of their representation and degree of participation during the country’s REDD+ preparedness phase. We find that spaces for participation and decision-making in REDD+ have been to date defined and dominated by government actors and influential civil society groups, whereas the influence of other actors, particularly marginalized groups such as Dalits and women’s organizations, have remained limited. REDD+ has also resulted in a reduction of influence for some hitherto powerful actors (e.g. community forestry activists) and constrained their critical voice. These governance weaknesses related to misrepresentation and uneven power relations in Nepal cast doubt on the extent to which procedural justice has been promoted through REDD+ and imply that implementation may, as a consequence, lack the required social legitimacy and support. We discuss possible ways to address these shortcomings, such as granting greater prominence to neglected civil society forums within the REDD+ process, allowing for an increase in their influence on policy design, enhancing capacity and leadership of marginalized groups and institutionalizing participation through continued forest governance reform.

Key policy insights
  • Participation is a critical asset in public policy design.

  • Ensuring wide and meaningful participation can enhance policy legitimacy and thus its endorsement and potential effective implementation.

  • Fostering inclusive processes through dedicated forums such as multi-stakeholder groups can help overcome power dynamics.

  • While REDD+ is open to participation by different actors through a variety of formal means, many countries lack a clear framework for participation in national policy processes.

  • Nepal’s experience with representation and participation of non-state actors in its REDD+ preparedness programme provides useful insights for similar social and policy contexts.

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2.
Pyridine-2,6-bis(monothiocarboxylate) (pdtc), a metabolic product of microorganisms, including Pseudomonas putida and Pseudomonas stutzeri was investigated for its ability of dissolve Fe(III)(hydr)oxides at pH 7.5. Concentration dependent dissolution of ferrihydrite under anaerobic environment showed saturation of the dissolution rate at the higher concentration of pdtc. The surface controlled ferrihydrite dissolution rate was determined to be 1.2 × 10−6 mol m−2 h−1. Anaerobic dissolution of ferrihydrite by pyridine-2,6-dicarboxylic acid or dipicolinic acid (dpa), a hydrolysis product of pdtc, was investigated to study the mechanism(s) involved in the pdtc facilitated ferrihydrite dissolution. These studies suggest that pdtc dissolved ferrihydrite using a reduction step, where dpa chelates the Fe reduced by a second hydrolysis product, H2S. Dpa facilitated dissolution of ferrihydrite showed very small increase in the Fe dissolution when the concentration of external reductant, ascorbate, was doubled, suggesting the surface dynamics being dominated by the interactions between dpa and ferrihydrite. Greater than stoichiometric amounts of Fe were mobilized during dpa dissolution of ferrihydrite assisted by ascorbate and cysteine. This is attributed to the catalytic dissolution of Fe(III)(hydr)oxides by the in situ generated Fe(II) in the presence of a complex former, dpa.  相似文献   
3.
Geomagnetism and Aeronomy - Electrodynamical coupling between the solar wind’s plasma and the Earth’s magnetosphere creates geomagnetic disturbances recorded on the ground. This work...  相似文献   
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Theoretical and Applied Climatology - The civil war, harsh climate, tough topography, and lack of accurate meteorological stations have limited observed data across Afghanistan. To fulfill the gap,...  相似文献   
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As developing countries around the world formulate policies to address climate change, concerns remain as to whether the voices of those most exposed to climate risk are represented in those policies. Developing countries face significant challenges for contextualizing global-scale scientific research into national political dynamics and downscaling global frameworks to sub-national levels, where the most affected are presumed to live. This article critiques the ways in which the politics of representation and climate science are framed and pursued in the process of climate policy development, and contributes to an understanding of the relative effectiveness of globally framed, generic policy mechanisms in vulnerable and politically volatile contexts. Based on this analysis, it also outlines opportunities for the possibility of improving climate policy processes to contest technocratic framing and generic international adaptation solutions.

Policy relevance

Nepal's position as one of the countries most at risk from climate change in the Himalayas has spurred significant international support to craft climate policy responses over the past few years. Focusing on the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and the Climate Change Policy, this article examines the extent to which internationally and scientifically framed climate policy in Nepal recognizes the unfolding political mobilizations around the demand for a representative state and equitable adaptation to climate risks. This is particularly important in Nepal, where political unrest in the post-conflict transition after the end of the civil war in 2006 has focused around struggles over representation for those historically on the political margins. Arguing that vulnerability to climate risk is produced in conjunction with social and political conditions, and that not everyone in the same locality is equally vulnerable, we demonstrate the multi-faceted nature of the politics of representation for climate policy making in Nepal. However, so far, this policy making has primarily been shaped through a technocratic framing that avoids political contestations and downplays the demand for inclusive and deliberative processes. Based on this analysis, we identify the need for a flexible, contextually grounded, and multi-scalar approach to political representation while also emphasizing the need for downscaling climate science that can inform policy development and implementation to achieve fair and effective adaptation to climate change.  相似文献   

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