ABSTRACTREDD+ is an international policy aimed at incentivizing forest conservation and management and improving forest governance. In this article, we interrogate how newly articulated REDD+ governance processes established to guide the formulation of Nepal’s REDD+ approach address issues of participation for different social groups. Specifically, we analyse available forums of participation for different social groups, as well as the nature of their representation and degree of participation during the country’s REDD+ preparedness phase. We find that spaces for participation and decision-making in REDD+ have been to date defined and dominated by government actors and influential civil society groups, whereas the influence of other actors, particularly marginalized groups such as Dalits and women’s organizations, have remained limited. REDD+ has also resulted in a reduction of influence for some hitherto powerful actors (e.g. community forestry activists) and constrained their critical voice. These governance weaknesses related to misrepresentation and uneven power relations in Nepal cast doubt on the extent to which procedural justice has been promoted through REDD+ and imply that implementation may, as a consequence, lack the required social legitimacy and support. We discuss possible ways to address these shortcomings, such as granting greater prominence to neglected civil society forums within the REDD+ process, allowing for an increase in their influence on policy design, enhancing capacity and leadership of marginalized groups and institutionalizing participation through continued forest governance reform.Key policy insights
Participation is a critical asset in public policy design.
Ensuring wide and meaningful participation can enhance policy legitimacy and thus its endorsement and potential effective implementation.
Fostering inclusive processes through dedicated forums such as multi-stakeholder groups can help overcome power dynamics.
While REDD+ is open to participation by different actors through a variety of formal means, many countries lack a clear framework for participation in national policy processes.
Nepal’s experience with representation and participation of non-state actors in its REDD+ preparedness programme provides useful insights for similar social and policy contexts.
We present new insights on the time-averaged surface velocities, convergence and extension rates along arc-normal transects in Kumaon, Garhwal and Kashmir–Himachal regions in the Indian Himalaya from 13 years of high-precision Global Positioning System (GPS) time series (1995–2008) derived from GPS data at 14 GPS permanent and 42 campaign stations between $29.5{-}35^{\circ }\hbox {N}$ and $76{-}81^{\circ }\hbox {E}$. The GPS surface horizontal velocities vary significantly from the Higher to Lesser Himalaya and are of the order of 30 to 48 mm/year NE in ITRF 2005 reference frame, and 17 to 2 mm/year SW in an India fixed reference frame indicating that this region is accommodating less than 2 cm/year of the India–Eurasia plate motion (${\sim }4~\hbox {cm/year}$). The total arc-normal shortening varies between ${\sim }10{-}14~\hbox {mm/year}$ along the different transects of the northwest Himalayan wedge, between the Indo-Tsangpo suture to the north and the Indo-Gangetic foreland to the south indicating high strain accumulation in the Himalayan wedge. This convergence is being accommodated differentially along the arc-normal transects; ${\sim } 5{-}10~\hbox {mm/year}$ in Lesser Himalaya and 3–4 mm/year in Higher Himalaya south of South Tibetan Detachment. Most of the convergence in the Lesser Himalaya of Garhwal and Kumaon is being accommodated just south of the Main Central Thrust fault trace, indicating high strain accumulation in this region which is also consistent with the high seismic activity in this region. In addition, for the first time an arc-normal extension of ${\sim }6~\hbox {mm/year}$ has also been observed in the Tethyan Himalaya of Kumaon. Inverse modeling of GPS-derived surface deformation rates in Garhwal and Kumaon Himalaya using a single dislocation indicate that the Main Himalayan Thrust is locked from the surface to a depth of ${\sim }15{-}20~\hbox {km}$ over a width of 110 km with associated slip rate of ${\sim }16{-}18~\hbox {mm/year}$. These results indicate that the arc-normal rates in the Northwest Himalaya have a complex deformation pattern involving both convergence and extension, and rigorous seismo-tectonic models in the Himalaya are necessary to account for this pattern. In addition, the results also gave an estimate of co-seismic and post-seismic motion associated with the 1999 Chamoli earthquake, which is modeled to derive the slip and geometry of the rupture plane. 相似文献
The foremost Global Positioning System(GPS) derived measurements in the Kumaun Himalaya indicate that most of the crustal motion of the Indian plate is accommodating towards the base as well as on the hanging wall of Main Central Thrust(MCT).Deformation pattern within the Kumaun Himalaya varies from south to north and indicates maximum deformation rate near MCT.Our study,based on the campaign mode GPS survey during 2003- 2006,reveals that the area between north of North Almora Thrust(NAT) and at the base of Great Himalaya registers maximum strain rate,which is lowered towards the Trans Himadri Fault(THF).The GAMIT-GLOBK processed campaign data of the area show that currently,the Himalayan Frontal Fault(HFF) and Main Boundary Thrust(MBT) are locked with the Indian plate,and a 6.7 ± 2.5 mm/yr of horizontal shortening is taking place between the Lesser Himalaya and Peninsular India. 相似文献
ABSTRACTThis paper explores dynamics of conflict over forests in Vietnam, as the country lays the groundwork for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+). Drawing on a case study in Lam Dong province and applying an environmental justice lens, we examine how various social actors assert claims over forests and how these claims invoke different notions of justice, authority and identity. Our analysis highlights that the development and implementation of the project has generated renewed competing claims and conflicts over forests among social actors. Underlying these conflicts there are incompatible notions of justice and associated rights, which lead different actors to accord legitimacy variously to the global norms brought about by REDD+, the customary resource practices of indigenous people, or to the state’s laws. We show that the negotiations over forests in REDD+ reflect the influence of the specific historical and political-economic settings in which REDD+ activities take place, including pre-existing conflicts over forests and power relations underpinning forest management. From a policy perspective, our research suggests that any attempts to introduce simplified and uniform regulations for forest governance in REDD+ should be avoided, since local institutions and conceptions of justice will significantly influence what is regarded as legitimate policy and can thus be endorsed as inspiration for sustainable forest governance.Key policy insights
REDD+ in Vietnam has spurred contestations over who is legitimately entitled to govern and manage forests.
Claims and conflicts over forests can be explained by incompatible and distinct notions of justice, authority and identity.
Contestations over justice pose radical challenges to any global and national efforts that attempt to implement simplified rules and ideas for forest based-climate change mitigation.
Attention to justice, especially to compatibility and differences in ideas about justice, is crucial for sustainable forest governance.