From national to post-national territorial identities in Israel-Palestine

Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether.     

南海制图的中美对比分析——基于批判制图学视角

运用文本分析,从中美关于南海制图的特点及差异着手,探讨了中美制图所表达的南海领域化过程以及地图对于领域化实践的作用。研究发现：1）中美制图中南海海域范围、岛礁地名及海疆边界表达的演变,是国家权力影响制图的表现。2）中美南海制图差异源于维护国家核心利益的需求：中国通过制图（再）领域化,对内加强南海海域管控,强化国民海权意识,对外宣示南海主权;美国通过制图（去）再领域化,强调南海的公海和多国属性。3）地图作为领域化工具,能够在国际舞台上讲述中国人的南海故事,也能清晰表达中国对南海诸岛和附近水域拥有主权的一贯和明确立场。应从地图维权、地图创新、地图宣传等方面加强对南海的领域化表达,使地图在南海海洋国土治理中发挥更重要的作用。     

旅游商业化“家空间”的代际权力关系与领域构建——西双版纳傣族园案例

论文以西双版纳傣族园的旅游商业化“家空间”为分析样本,基于亲代和子代双重视角,构建家庭微观领域政治的分析框架,意在揭示代际权力关系和领域构建机制。研究发现,旅游商业化的“家空间”是整合多代家庭、促进代际资源交换和权力平衡的协商空间：① 第一代经营者在旅游经营中积累了经济资源、社会资源,掌握着家庭决策权和家务分工权,通过主导空间设置、强化空间排他性、分配家务劳动等领域行为,实现领域构建;② 第二代经营者通过接受教育和外出务工,提高劳动技能,在家庭经营中凸显人力资源优势,提高了家庭自主权,并通过居住空间区隔化、私人生活独立化、家庭经营自主化等空间“去领域化”和“再领域化”策略,重塑领域格局。该研究为理解适度旅游商业化“家空间”的“权力—空间关系”提供了一个分析框架,也是对领域化理论的补充,并为平衡代际权力关系、促进代际团结、推动乡村旅游小企业可持续发展提供了实践启示。     

LIVESTOCK VERSUS “WILD BEASTS”: CONTRADICTIONS IN THE NATURAL PATRIMONIALIZATION OF THE PYRENEES

ABSTRACT. The Pyrenees are becoming an environmental reservoir. The acute human depopulation experienced during the twentieth century and the progressive appropriation of large parts of the mountainous territory by the state in order to implement conservation policies have resulted in the return, via reintroduction or natural regeneration, of bears, wolves, beavers, river otters, marmots, mouflon, feral goats, and deer, among other species. This development, however, has not occurred without social and scientific controversy and leads to questions about territorialization and governmentality. Herders perceive wild animals as unregulated public property subsidized by the work of the local populace. Agriculturalists see their fields trespassed on a daily basis by animals they cannot kill because of their protected status. Ranchers, under extremely strict sanitation regulations, see their animals coming into contact with these unchecked wild populations. The work and living space of the mountain communities has fallen under the jurisdiction of external institutions and constituencies that value conservation and ecotourism above local subsistence.     

领域化视角下的珠三角乡村城市化再思考——以广州市旧水坑村为例

从领域视角看,改革开放以来出现的自下而上的乡村城市化过程即是乡村地域的重新领域化与再/去领域化过程。以广州市旧水坑村为案例,运用实地调查、访谈的方法,对乡村城市化过程中社会、市场和行政力量等领域化主体的作用机制进行了剖析。研究发现,村民代表的社会力量是乡村领域化的设计者,而行政力量、市场力量试图通过在其中构建独立领域以增强话语权。叠置的领域和差异悬殊的空间资源支配能力致使资源争夺加剧及非均衡的空间-权力结构形成,并导致村庄发展管治的混乱。因此,需要尽快构建多元主体有机组合的领域单元及均衡的领域政治体系,以实现乡村地域的可持续发展。     

城市化进程中的“去领域化”与“再领域化”:兼议城乡治理——对广州市江口村的分析

领域化是当前政治地理研究的核心概念和理论。城市化将农村区域划入“城市”之中,城市局限往往通过土地扩张来解决,地方和国家等不同行动者呈现出不同尺度的领域化和去领域化的策略。本文以广州一个正在城市化的村落为例展开历时态研究,并得出以下结论：首先,城市化中的“领域化”和“去领域化”第一层次为土地,国家根据法律以及城市依据自身发展需要将土地纳入城市范畴;其次,第二层次为围绕利益空间的“领域化”和“去领域化”,伴随着地方政府、企业、村集体、村民等的策略,不同主体和话语开始进入并协商博弈;第三层次为地方认同,竞争性的“再领域化”促成地方认同的产生和变化。这三个层次的不一致性导致了不同时期治理方式的差异和治理困境的产生。本文从领域化理论视角深入探究尺度政治如何在城市化过程中产生和得以体现,以及不同城市化发展时期和城市空间转变中的城乡边界动态变化、村落自我调整的复杂过程以及城乡融合过程中的治理挑战,最后给出政策思考和建议。     

领域化理论视角下的乡村旅游社区社会空间变迁——以丹霞山青湖塘村为例

乡村地区的旅游发展带来乡村社会空间的快速变迁与重构。对此,现有研究主要侧重空间生产过程的分析,而空间生产与权力关系之间的联系尚未充分理论化。论文以丹霞山青湖塘村为例,借助领域化理论,分析了多元主体的领域化行为所引发的乡村旅游社区社会空间变迁,总结了其中交织的权力—空间关系及社会空间变迁机制。结果发现：乡村旅游社区社会空间变迁是一个持续的领域化过程,是由“领域的社会组织”与“社会的领域组织”之间的交互作用所引致的,在这个过程中,无论是自上而下的管控权力还是自下而上的抵制权力,只有通过领域建构实现空间化才能实现真正的控制,权力关系正是在空间化中实现了生产与再生产。基于此,论文对旅游地社会空间变迁中的“权力—空间关系”进行了初步理论化,并讨论了领域化分析对于旅游社区产权制度实践、旅游地空间治理等问题所具有的启示意义。     

海洋本体论及其视角下的南海海洋国土治理研究

长期以来海洋位于社会边缘,海洋治理不可避免地陷入陆地中心主义。本文在批判海洋国土治理背后的陆地本体及其领土化逻辑的基础上,将海洋重新概念化为体积空间与动态时间邂逅的四维时空,指出海洋具有多维性、流动性、非线性和非客体的特点,并以此构建了以体积国土、流动国土、能动国土为特征的海洋国土分析框架,进而将其运用于南海海洋国土治理的理论和政策认知,重构了长期桎梏于陆地规范的“时间、空间和运动”观念,回应了文化和政治地理学的新唯物主义取向。研究认为：① 在南海的体积管控上,岛礁扩建是有效的策略。岛礁扩建使体积海洋折叠为二维领土,以偏平化控制三维空间,改变了南海的地理和空间性质;② 在南海的流动性管控上,因海洋的流体、尺度和深度特征,以及法律边界模糊性,加剧了维护南海海上安全的复杂性,需要考虑与之匹配的管控非法流动性的监管策略;③ 在南海的能动管控上,需要关注渔民独特的生态伦理思想,海洋保护需要考虑不同本体间的对话和信息转译,使保护行为更加紧密地融入到本土社会文化情境中。本文为海洋国土治理提供了来自政治地理学的批判性视角,同时对人文地理学的人海关系研究亦是积极的推动。     

旅游地缘政治研究进展与展望

通过梳理web of science和中国知网上已有的旅游地缘政治相关研究,按照研究尺度,将旅游地缘政治研究分为国家尺度、跨尺度研究2种类型,此外,还有旅游的地缘政治要素一个单独的主题,归纳总结了目前旅游地缘政治的主要研究议题。总体来说,目前相关研究仍然以国家尺度为主,案例地国家选择呈现出3个主要特征,即倾向于选择受全球地缘政治变动影响较大的区域、面临国内外地缘政治压力的区域和主权尚存争议或主权定义模糊的区域。但逐渐出现了一些跨尺度的研究,考察旅游对国家和游客相互建构的影响。最后,提出了旅游地缘政治可深入探究的4个主题,包括国家间政治关系对旅游的影响、旅游签证制度和国家关系之间的相互作用、旅游作为主动的地缘战略、边境旅游的多尺度研究。     

Under the state's gaze: Upland trading‐scapes on the Sino‐Vietnamese border

Within the politically‐defined Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS), the borderlands of southeast Yunnan, China and Lào Cai province, northern Vietnam, have been categorized as being part of the GMS North‐South Economic Corridor. I argue that the creation of this subregion and corridor have been an opportunity for the governments in these locales to extend their territorialization and create new state spaces. For centuries, relatively isolated and ignored by lowland rulers, ethnic minority residents in these borderlands maintained their own culturally appropriate livelihoods, trade networks and societies. Nowadays, an increasing state presence in the uplands presents both challenges and opportunities for local populations on either side of the border, be they ethnic minorities, or Kinh (lowland Vietnamese) and Han Chinese. Contemporary border narratives gathered from local traders managing important upland commodities shed light on the means by which these borderland spaces are shaping both attractive prospects as well as restrictive constraints. Local residents fashion new trading‐scapes by drawing on kin ties, historical linkages, local indigenous knowledges and transnational societies that reach deep inside each country. As inhabitants carefully avoid or manipulate the state's gaze, I conclude that those living in the Sino‐Vietnamese borderlands possess the agency to ‘do things differently’ from hegemonic development approaches supported by GMS sponsors, and can create, maintain, support and refashion culturally appropriate trade livelihoods.