Ocean governance and maritime security in a placeful environment: The case of the European Union

Adopting a critical geopolitics approach that accounts for the mutually reinforcing link between geo-informed narratives and projection practices, this article proposes that ocean governance and maritime security have translated into states' and regional organisations' increasing control over maritime spaces. This leads to a certain territorialisation of the sea, not so much from a sovereignty and jurisdictional perspective but from a functional and normative perspective. The article starts by discussing the ways oceans have been represented and shows that they are far from a placeless void, both in practice and in discourse. The article then frames the analysis of ocean governance and maritime security within critical geopolitics, and elaborates on the case of the European Union's narrative and practice. It concludes on the mutually reinforcing link between discourse and practice in the field of ocean governance and maritime security in general, and on the consequences for the EU in particular. Scholars working on ocean governance and maritime security are encouraged to challenge the traditional view that oceans are placeless.     

“To Understand the Place”: Geographical Knowledge and Diplomatic Practice

Diplomats produce a great deal of geographical knowledge: By reporting on distant places to their governments, they create particular understandings of political space. Yet these professionals rarely link their work to geography: What a geographer might call a geographical sensibility is labeled cultural knowledge by a diplomat. This article clarifies the relationship between geographical knowledge and diplomatic practice. Empirically, it draws from nearly 100 interviews with foreign policy professionals to offer a more “peopled” or quasi-ethnographic account of diplomacy than is usually available in scholarly literature. Conceptually, the article contributes to our understanding of how geographical knowledge is created inside diplomatic and bureaucratic institutions.     

北极地区地缘关系研究综述

论文检索了科学引文索引(Web of Science)和中国知网(CNKI)中北极地区地缘关系的相关文献,借助CiteSpace文献分析软件的关键词共现分析功能,系统综述了2000年以来国内外关于北极地区地缘关系的研究重点。从研究内容上看,国外研究主要关注主权政治、航道利用、资源管理和原住民权益等主体性议题,而国内则着重关注地缘政治、航道交通、资源经济和地区治理等参与性议题。就研究方法上看,国内外研究中定性与定量方法兼具,但仍以定性方法和描述性方法为主。随着北极地区的发展,研究方法和研究视角有待丰富,研究领域和研究深度亟需进一步拓展和加强。北极地区具有重要的战略意义,未来应结合现代技术,借鉴国际上的地区发展理论,开展北极地区的可持续发展研究和中国参与研究,并构建新时代北极地区地缘环境理论。     

THE GEOPOLITICS OF EUGENICS AND THE EXCLUSION OF PHILIPPINE IMMIGRANTS FROM THE UNITED STATES

ABSTRACT. From 1898 to 1936, Philippine immigrants were routinely excluded from the United States, where incipient practices of eugenic “science” and geopolitics were informing social policy. Concomitant with emergent theories of evolution, a geopolitically informed eugenics forewarned of possible racial competition and societal degeneration. Immigration legislation emerged as an effective social policy to exclude perceived undesirable, and racially distinct, immigrant groups, ostensibly to protect race and state.     

印度海上战略通道的新动向、动因及影响

作为印度洋沿岸的国家,随着2015年《确保海洋安全：海洋安全战略》的出台,印度进一步拓展了海上战略通道,主要体现在三个方面：重视南太平洋海上战略通道、拓展大西洋地区海上战略通道、重视北极地区这一新航道的价值。究其原因,印度追求大国地位、参与全球海洋治理的需要以及保障能源进口多元化是其拓展海上战略通道的主要动因。印度对于海上战略通道的拓展一方面将加剧大国对于海上战略通道的争夺态势,另一方面,将有助于国际社会共同建设维护海上战略通道安全的机制。     

走向伟大复兴的中国地缘战略：国家周边论

伴随批判地缘政治学的兴起,围绕古典地缘战略理论的争论一度成为学术研究的焦点,而“一带一路”倡议的提出更是激起有关“一带一路”是否是中国当前全球地缘战略的讨论。2019年新冠疫情叠加中美大脱钩使得中国适时调整和制定符合当前整体地缘环境态势的地缘战略迫在眉睫,这关系到“两个一百年”目标和民族复兴能否实现。本文借鉴哲学中的主体间性概念重新解读了古典的地缘战略理论。在归纳总结古典地缘战略理论所具有的固有特征后,反驳了“一带一路”倡议为中国地缘战略的观点。借用古典地缘战略隐含的构建方式,在分析全球地缘环境、中美地缘关系和中国地缘环境后,提出了到21世纪中叶前中国的地缘战略——国家周边论。但是,我们应该承认,无论对中国还是对美国而言,继续围绕中国周边地区的对抗甚至全球尺度的冲突对于双方甚至全球都是不利的。中美必须走出过去历史长河中形成的强国必霸的主体间性的共识,在对话、交流的基础上,实现中美互动实践的良性循环,以此结束当今世界的种种冲突,走向和平发展,构建人类命运共同体。     

基于地缘政治学视角的缅甸内战与毒品经济相互关系解析

中国西南地区面临着因缅甸内战和毒品经济产生的跨国影响而形成的恶劣的地缘政治环境。通过文本分析法,本文聚焦缅甸内战和毒品经济,在分析缅甸内战历史和现实致因、缅甸毒品经济起源与发展的基础上,从地缘政治学视角,揭示了缅甸内战与毒品经济之间的相互关联。本文试图回答的问题是：缅甸内战状态下的毒品经济为何在缅甸蔓延？毒品经济又如何加深缅甸内战并阻碍内战的终结？缅甸内战与毒品经济相互纠缠,即缅甸内战不是由毒品经济利益所触发,但缅甸内战刺激了鸦片种植和催生了畸形的毒品经济,而毒品经济重塑了缅甸联邦政府与少数民族地方武装等各方利益,从而为缅甸内战解决蒙上了阴影。     

中国崛起的国际地缘战略研究

围堵与反围堵是世界历史上大国崛起的常态。本文立足于结构现实主义的国际关系原理,运用地理学的空间相互作用和区位选择等理论,探讨中国在和平崛起过程中权力一利益半径外延的必然性、与本文为竞争利益空间而发生的全球性战略互动,以及由此诱发的周边地缘风险。作者指出,由于区域的非均质性,中国向外实现战略突破时只能依循非均衡路径,即集中优势资源在空间阻滞效应较弱、"投资"回报较高的局部地区率先实现突破,并以此为"极轴"向其他地区辐射战略影响。在全球层面上,由于综合国力的结构性缺陷,目前中国宜把战略资源优先投放到"低政治"领域,运用渗透性较强的经济手段,争取尽快在非洲、拉美与西欧等地获取必要的战略立足点;而在区域层面上,中国应追求在"高政治"领域有所建树,选择与中国在地理上接近、文化亲缘性较强、战略互信度较高的国家进行对外拓展,如:巴基斯坦、缅甸、蒙古、塔吉克斯坦和哈萨克斯坦等地。两者相辅相成,共同组成了21世纪中国和平崛起的国际地缘战略。     

GENDER,GEOPOLITICS, AND GEOSURVEILLANCE IN THE BOURNE ULTIMATUM*

Generic action‐thriller films, especially The Bourne Ultimatum, the last in a series of three films, provide a useful resource for examining the gendered nature of geopolitics, the specification of place, and the role of geosurveillance in post‐9/11 national security. Using the dialogue of the film as key source material, I show how the private world of Jason Bourne, an assassin, is interwoven with the public sphere of international security, including covert operations: The personal is geopolitical. I conclude with some reflections on how we might use film as a critical pedagogical resource.