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The Lega Dembi Primary Gold Deposit in southern Ethiopia is related to the shear zone-hosted vein in the Neoproterozoic metamorphosed volcano-sedimentary succession of greenschist- to amphibolite-facies metamorphism. The rocks consists of a sequence of biotite-feldspar-quartz schists, carbonaceous mica-schists, amphibolites and basic to ultrabasic rocks. This unit is separated from a foot wall biotite gneiss by a major shear zone. The ore bodies are hosted in the volcano-sedimentary sequence and consist of swarms of quartz veins, lenses, and stockworks that propagated along mesoscale ductile to brittle-ductile shear zones.The mineralization is defined by a complex paragenesis of gold in association with Cu-Pb-Zn-Fe sulphides, tellurides and sulphosalts. The presence of Ni-bearing minerals in amphibolites of the host sequence, together with the ore mineral association, suggests an origin related to mafic volcanism.  相似文献   
2.
Benito Giordano 《Area》2001,33(1):27-37
The Lega Nord (Northern League) regionalist party, which has risen to prominence in Italy in recent years, has a specific geographical focus to its political project. This is premised essentially upon the protection of Northern Italian economic (and cultural) interests, however, this geographical focus has been modified during the Lega Nord's relatively short political history. This paper explores the reasons why there have been various shifts in geographical emphasis in the party's political rhetoric as well as the ways in which support for the Lega Nord has changed (or not) as a result of these changes. Interestingly, the latest shift in the Lega Nord's rhetoric has seen the party attempting to construct (and invent) a geography and an ethnicity for a place it calls 'Padania' (which roughly corresponds to North and Central Italy) that has never existed administratively or historically. However, as the paper argues, the Lega Nord's attempts to create a 'Padanian' political identity, have not been matched by any significant changes in its electoral geography.  相似文献   
3.
Primary and placer gold deposits are mined from the Pan-African Adola volcano-sedimentary sequence, in southern Ethiopia. Two major mineralized belts can be recognized: the Megado (‘Gold Belt’) and the Kenticha Belts. The Kenticha Belt is also known for its rare metal mineralization. Extensive exploration of the area resulted in two most important primary gold deposits of Lega Dembi and Sakaro. The primary gold deposits are classified into four classes based on their geological setting:
- auriferous veins, lodes, stockworks and silicified zones disseminated in schistose rocks
- gold associated with quartzite
- gold mineralization confined to conglomerates and meta-arkoses
- auriferous quartz veins in high grade gneiss rocks
This classification provides a useful guide for future exploration programme  相似文献   
4.
Fabrizio Eva 《GeoJournal》1999,48(2):101-107
The nineties will go down in Italian history as the decade of great political change. By way of emphasising this change, the media and politicians use the expressions `Prima Repubblica' and `Seconda Repubblica' (first and second republics), adopting the terminology used by the French for their `republics'. During the so-called First Republic (1948–1994), the centrist Christian Democrat Party represented the moderate political force in every government. However, the corruption trials of 1992–1993, which involved many of this party's members, led to its collapse at the ballot box. In northern Italy, a consequence of the demise of the Christian Democrats was the resounding success of the Lega Nord at the local government elections of 1993 and the general election of 1994. The Lega Nord based, and continues to base, its success on the use of ethno-nationalist slogans and catchcries. Italy has an ancient tradition – dating at least from the fall of the Roman Empire – of political and linguistic splintering. Given today's situation, this factor may have impacts at the level of the structure of the state: federalism, special statutes for regions and/or provinces, the decentralization of the state, and so on. For the first time for perhaps more than a century, in this new period of uncertain political change, Italians are increasingly viewing territory and its characteristics as politically relevant. Justifications for `national' cohesion are being rediscovered, or invented, at the local level, transforming it into political claims. Italians have begun to talk about relationships with territories and neighbouring groups from a different perspective. At present, traditional political parties and politicians are too slow and insufficiently focused in their response to the rising call for autonomy and decision-making authority at the local level. This factor has provided the time and space for isolationist and culturally self-reliant localist ideologies to propagate. It is impossible to say how long this period of transition will last and what its outcomes will be. The three main choices now facing Italians would be appear to be:(1) reclaim the nationalist sentiment of a united state (abandoned after the Fascist era);(2) provide the space (ideological and territorial) for the numerous localist nationalisms;(3) construct a real and flexible `localist' democracy for Italy as a whole.  相似文献   
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