Labor Market Marginalization of Youth in San Antonio,Texas

Poverty among inner‐city residents is associated with their marginal status in the labor market. Marginalization in the labor market begins during youth when important educational and employment decisions are made. Analysis of 1990 U.S. Census tract data for San Antonio, Texas identifies the lack of a high school diploma, poverty, non‐employment, and non‐enrollment in school as conditions of marginality for youth. Spatial patterns of youth labor market marginalization show concentrations in the inner city and in sectors on the West, South, and Eastside. Regression analysis reveals that levels of youth marginalization are associated with neighborhood context represented by the employment, behavioral, and ethnic characteristics of the overall residential population of a census tract.     

追忆五四运动中的地质青年

通过分析五四运动的相关研究成果和研究部分地质青年的史料,介绍地质青年在五四运动中的作为,展现地质青年爱国报国的风貌,提出新时代地质青年应不忘历史,学习习总书记有关青年的讲话精神,在新时代的地质工作中弘扬五四精神和地质先辈精神,融入地质工作实践,推进地质事业转型发展。     

Not In The Same World: Topological Youths,Topographical Policies

Public attitudes continue to portray youths in Western societies as being passive and disengaged. Critical scholars are largely unanimous in that the misrecognition of and disrespect for young people's everyday experiences and activities form a major reason why they appear detached from politics and public life. Contributing to this debate, this paper traces the everyday experiences of some Finnish urban youths, and argues that their lived worlds differ notably from the worlds of the public administration that seeks to address youths as active citizens. Based on these findings, the paper proposes the pragmatically oriented concepts of “issue publics” and “topological connectives” for rethinking youth participation and democratic life more broadly.     

British National Report to the International Cartographic Association for the Period 2011-2015

In recent years, the concepts of usability, user experience, and user-centricity have gained in interest. Digital applications, developed in line with criteria related to these approaches, ask for a deeper understanding of users and their requirements. But, even though there is a wide range of methods available, the creation of user-centric applications with good usability and user experience still poses great challenges for developers. This is also true for web maps, i.e. web map applications, which today are ubiquitous on the Internet. They have evolved into an important information and communication tool and address users who do not possess any specific knowledge of Geoinformatics (GI) or Cartography. Despite the efforts made to meet the requirements and preferences of laymen, these users still often face problems when dealing with web map applications. This refers to aspects of design, content, and functionality. Here, participatory design, which is well-known in the field of Software and Web Engineering, might provide a suitable means. By engaging users directly and actively in the application development process, developers are able to gain a profound understanding of the users and their needs. However, there are several open questions regarding the use of participatory design for designing and implementing web map applications: What does the use of participatory design in web map development processes look like in detail? How and to what degree can users be involved in the development processes? Which added values exist? These questions are addressed by the project YouthMap 5020, whose main goal it was to create a prototype youth-centric web map for the Austrian city of Salzburg (zip code 5020). Applying the approach of participatory design, about 120 teenage pupils from several local schools were involved in all kinds of tasks related to the phases of generating the youth-centric Salzburg web city map. Experience and knowledge gained thereby allowed elaborating recommendations generally useful for generating youth-centric web map applications.     

New political violence in Africa – Secular sectarianism in Sierra Leone

Mary Douglas (1993) has indicated some of the shared concerns that keep voluntary enclaves together as ‘social movements’. The present paper describes a rather different kind of enclave politics, being concerned with the ‘new violence’ of groups enclaved by social exclusion and force. The paper focuses on the emergence and subsequent development of dissidents in the civil war in Sierra Leone. The RUF was at the outset a tiny but conventional guerrilla force, modelled on one of the militias in the Liberian civil war, and seeking to overthrow a decayed neo-patrimonial ‘one-party’ regime. Gaining little popular support, its members became marooned in forested isolation on the Liberia-Sierra Leone border. Recruits were mainly school children seized by force and ‘converted’ through having to take part in atrocities against rural civilians. Unable to return to the larger society on pain of summary execution, captives have had little option but to adjust to the political fantasies of a violent and unstable leadership. They were enclaved by force. Indicating the predictive strength of Douglas' arguments about the cultural dynamics of the enclave, the subsequent atrocity-drenched story of the RUF suggests that it is not the content of belief that determines institutional culture but vice versa. To survive, the enforced enclave develops the concerns of the classic ‘sect’ - a doctrinaire ‘rationality’ (expressed in crude acts of ‘subtractive’ violence), rejection of magic, decision making by lots, preoccupation with defection, otiose leadership style. If the rest of the world is to come to terms with violent enclave organizations such as the RUF and Algerian GIA it may have to pay more careful attention to the way enclave institutions think. They may not respond ‘rationally’ to the kinds of incentives offered by mainstream groups organised around hierarchical and/or individualist systems of social accountability. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

The whiteness of gay urban belonging: criminalizing LGBTQ youth of color in queer spaces of care

Chicago’s gay village of Boystown has long been linked with whiteness, and in the past decade, tensions have flared between neighborhood residents and queer and transgender (trans) youth of color, often homeless, who come to Boystown for the many services provided by its lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) nonprofit organizations, or queer spaces of care. While scholars have attended to community policing in Boystown through the Take Back Boystown movement, the role of LGBTQ nonprofits has yet to be examined in their role of criminalizing queer and trans youth of color in the neighborhood. Through an autoethnographic approach, this paper explores how several nonprofit organizations in Boystown have adopted policing strategies toward the queer and trans youth of color they serve. I argue that community policing has infiltrated these organizations to further defend and maintain an exclusive gay urban space informed by whiteness, which marks and regulates young, Black masculinities and trans femininities as deviant, untrustworthy, and criminal. Racism diminishes the ability for queer spaces of care to fulfill their mandates of supporting queer and trans youth of color, rendering the neighborhood a space of surveillance and furthering a White gay urban belonging that alienates and criminalizes these youth.     

The self-organising of youth volunteers during the Rena oil spill in New Zealand

ABSTRACT

This study explores the communication and organising of youth volunteers during a crisis, focusing on how they conceived, framed, and executed self-organising efforts during the 2011 Rena oil spill in New Zealand. It offers insights into the intersections of self-organising, youth volunteering and crisis events which have not been researched before. The study addresses two core research questions: 1. how was ‘volunteering’ conceptualised by youth volunteers involved in the Rena crisis; and 2. how did these volunteers communicate and self-organise during this crisis? The findings indicate that self-organising emerged out of a resistance towards structured responses and as a reaction to the inability of the official volunteer response to meet the needs of the community. Self-organised efforts were particularly attractive among youth volunteers because they offered flexibility, required minimal administrative processes, and fostered an environment of innovation and creativity. The volunteers’ youthful energy and technological aptitude additionally drove their self-organised responses. The study identifies the considerable challenges that crisis officials faced in utilising youth volunteers despite the significant advantages of self-organising.     

Zero Tolerance in Latin America: Punitive Paradox in Urban Policy Mobilities

In Latin America, high levels of crime have prompted many politicians to embrace zero tolerance policing in order to quell public fears. While the overall impacts on urban crime are debatable, zero tolerance in the region has morphed into a powerful policy narrative that symbolizes strong leaders who crack down crime and disorder. Its impacts have been far-reaching; to date, it has been implemented in various guises in Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Chile, Argentina, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic. Yet, the policy transfer of zero tolerance to Latin America has mutated into a much more punitive approach. In this paper, I develop a critical analysis of the punitive inequalities of zero tolerance policing in Latin American cities, and the consequences for marginalized and racialized youth. I also explore the emergence of a new, unexpected consequence of zero tolerance: the South-North migration of undocumented people.