While carbon pricing is widely seen as a crucial element of climate policy and has been implemented in many countries, it also has met with strong resistance. We provide a comprehensive overview of public perceptions of the fairness of carbon pricing and how these affect policy acceptability. To this end, we review evidence from empirical studies on how individuals judge personal, distributional and procedural aspects of carbon taxes and cap-and-trade. In addition, we examine preferences for particular redistributive and other uses of revenues generated by carbon pricing and their role in instrument acceptability. Our results indicate a high concern over distributional effects, particularly in relation to policy impacts on poor people, in turn reducing policy acceptability. In addition, people show little trust in the capacities of governments to put the revenues of carbon pricing to good use. Somewhat surprisingly, most studies do not indicate clear public preferences for using revenues to ensure fairer policy outcomes, notably by reducing its regressive effects. Instead, many people prefer using revenues for ‘environmental projects’ of various kinds. We end by providing recommendations for improving public acceptability of carbon pricing. One suggestion to increase policy acceptability is combining the redistribution of revenue to vulnerable groups with the funding for environmental projects, such as on renewable energy.
Key policy insights
If people perceive carbon pricing instruments as fair, this increases policy acceptability and support.
People’s satisfaction with information provided by the government about the policy instrument increases acceptability.
While people express high concern over uneven distribution of the policy burden, they often prefer using carbon pricing revenues for environmental projects instead of compensation for inequitable outcomes.
Recent studies find that people’s preferences shift to using revenues for making policy fairer if they better understand the functioning of carbon pricing, notably that relatively high prices of CO2-intensive goods and services reduce their consumption.
Combining the redistribution of revenue to support both vulnerable groups and environmental projects, such as on renewable energy, seems to most increase policy acceptability.
With poverty alleviation and sustainable development as key imperatives for a developing economy like India, what drives the resource-constrained state governments to prioritize actions that address climate change impacts? We examine this question and argue that without access to additional earmarked financial resources, climate action would get overshadowed by developmental priorities and effective mainstreaming might not be possible. A systematic literature review was carried out to draw insights from the current state of implementation of adaptation projects, programmes and schemes at the subnational levels, along with barriers to mainstreaming climate change adaptation. The findings from a literature review were supplemented with lessons emerging from the implementation of India’s National Adaptation Fund on Climate Change (NAFCC). The results of this study underscore the scheme’s relevance.Key policy insights
Experience with NAFCC implementation reveals that states require sustained ‘handholding’ in terms of financial, technical and capacity support until climate change issues are fully understood and embedded in the policy landscape.
Domestic sources of finance are critically important in the absence of predictable and adequate adaptation finance from international sources.
The dedicated window for climate finance fosters a spirit of competitive federalism among states and encourages enhanced climate action.
Enhanced budgetary allocation to NAFCC to strengthen the state-level adaptation response and create capacity to mainstream climate change concerns in state planning frames, is urgently needed.
In this study, the effect of different sampling rates (i.e. observation recording interval) on the Precise Point Positioning (PPP) solutions in terms of accurac... 相似文献
The estimated total area of wetland in China is more than 25.9 million hectares including about 11.9 million hectares of marshes
and bogs, 9.1 million hectares of lake and about 2.2 million hectares of coastal salt marshes and mudflats. The area of wetland
is equivalent to 2.7% of the land surface. China also has 2.7 million hectares of shallow sea water (less 5m in depth at low
tide). Marshes and bogs are equivalent 1.3% of the land surface. Only three provinces (regions)—Qinghai, Xizang (Tibet) and
Heilongjiang — have a larger total area of marsh and bog. According to the structure, type and development of wetland in different
river basins, wetland can be classified nine main regions. The experiments indicate that the coefficient of the marsh to regulate
flood is similar to that of lakes. Wetlands occupy 17.8% of the Sanjiang Plain area, the annual carbon contribution is 0.78
× 104t. Carbon released from marsh soil return into atmosphere is 3.95 × 106t/a. At present there is a sharp contradiction between population growth and natural resources shortage, causing wetland to
be exerted with huge pressures and serious threats.
Foundation item: Under the auspices of the Key B Item of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (KZ951-B1-201-02).
Biography: LU Xian-guo (1957 —), male, a native of Changchun City, Jilin Provice, professor. His research interests include
wetland process and environmental effect. 相似文献
