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31.
Virginie Mamadouh 《GeoJournal》1999,47(3):477-486
Differences between the national political cultures of the European states are puzzling. They are too often taken for granted
or treated as an elusive explanation for residual differences that can not be accounted for in comparative politics. Here
they are put at the core of a comparative analysis. This article explores the origins of differences between national political
cultures. It deals with national political cultures from the perspective of Cultural Theory or grid-group analysis. A national
political culture is conceived as a ‘conversation’ between subcultures associated to national political institutions and practices
(and not as an aggregated pattern of individual orientations toward political objects). National political cultures can be
characterised on the basis of ideal typical patterns of relations between the basic cultures or rationalities distinguished
by Cultural Theory. After an assessment of the differences between the national political cultures of the Member States of
the European Union, the paper considers traditional family structures as possible sources of differentiation, elaborating
upon the work of the French political historian Emmanuel Todd who has documented the correspondence between the geography
of traditional family structures and the geography of ideologies in Europe.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
32.
33.
基于尺度律的裂隙网络生成及其对地下厂房稳定性的影响分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
以锦屏二级为工程背景,通过对猫猫滩闸址区域内断层的统计,得到断层数量与尺度的幂律关系,并通过分段线性拟合的方法估算了断层系统的尺度-数量分维发现,当断层迹长 0.1 km时,分维 0.487 5;当断层迹长 0.1 km时,分维 1.496 1。通过该尺度律关系,结合蒙特卡洛法,推演了更小规模的节理的空间分布。运用DDA数值计算程序,分析并模拟了大水沟地下厂房的开挖过程,获得了高度节理化的由开挖引起的应力、位移变化图。 相似文献
34.
开采沉陷工程岩体本构关系研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
传统开采沉陷理论存在对采动岩体本构关系研究不够的问题, 本文在运用现代工程地质学理论和现代数学力学理论相结合, 对采动岩体本构关系进行深入研究的基础上, 提出了用黑箱问题灰箱化的全息反分析法, 确定采动工程岩体本构关系及其有关参数。实例分析表明, 对于复杂岩体结构的开采沉陷问题, 能够取得满意的结果。 相似文献
35.
The “region” and “regional change” have been elusive ideas within political and economic geography, and in essence require a greater understanding of their dynamic characteristics. Trailing in the backwaters of the devolution to the Celtic nations of Britain, the contemporary era of New Labour’s political-economic ideology, manifest through “third-way” governance in England places the region and its functional capacity into the heart of geographical inquiry. Drawing upon a new regionalist epistemology, this paper seeks to recover a sense of (regional) political economy through a critical investigation of the development and formulation of Blair’s “New Regional Policy” (NRP). I address how New Labour has attempted to marry economic regionalisation on the one hand, and democratic regionalism on the other. This paper specifically questions the wisdom of such a marriage of politically distinct ideologies through a critical investigation of the underlying contradictions of their strategy from both a theoretical and empirical standpoint. Demonstrated both in the North East “no” vote in 2004, and in the post-mortem undertaken by the ODPM Select Committee in 2005, the paper illustrates how a loss of political drive gradually undermined the capacity of devolution to deliver in England. Finally, I argue that through the lens of the NRP we can speculate on some of the wider issues and implications for the study of regional governance. 相似文献
36.
Rebecca Elmhirst 《Geoforum》2011,42(2):173-183
An important theme in studies of enclosure and resource access in Southeast Asian hinges on the concept of the ‘political forest’, a particular constellation of power constituted by ideas, practices and institutions that seek to regulate peoples’ access to resources, providing recognition and legitimacy to some, whilst excluding and criminalizing others. Whilst issues of class and ‘race’ underpin work in this vein, in Indonesia, much less attention has been directed towards the ways in which gender inheres in the regularisation of land and livelihood, and the ordering of upland spaces. Drawing on recent feminist and queer theorizing of the links between citizenship, recognition and hetero-normativity, and on analyses of the social relationships through which resource access is negotiated and realized, the paper presents a feminist political ecology of the gender dynamics inherent in the power plays of resource access as land-poor rural migrants negotiate a shifting landscape of enclosure in Lampung province. Through an analysis of three periods of resource governance and control in the province, the paper shows how the negotiation of resource access is simultaneously a process of self-regulation and subject-making that draws on particular ideas about family and conjugal partnership, inculcating gendered and hetero-normative ideologies of the “ideal citizen”. Through particular representational strategies - positionings - necessary to qualify for resource access, and through the material practices necessary to realize the benefits of resource access, conjugal partnership is reiterated and remade as an important social relationship through which resource access may be realised, for men as well as for women. 相似文献
37.
关于亲花岗岩类矿床研究的进展和趋势 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文试就矿床与花岗岩类侵入体存在成因联系的证据、亲花岗岩类矿床形成的地球化学因素和岩石成因因素三方面的研究进展和趋势作简短概述。矿床和火成岩在地理上的伴生、分带现象、金属与特殊种属花岗岩类之间的关系、岩体微量元素的浓度与其伴生矿床的关系以及相对年代关系,是确定矿床和火成岩之间存在成因联系的依据。元素离子的电子层构造、离子半径和离子势等地球化学性质与矿石沉积地点、母火成岩成分、矿石形成方式、矿物生成顺序、矿石矿物成分、矿质沉淀温度以及矿石形成深度等都有内在联系。花岗岩类岩荣的形成与矿质的富集、岩浆和富水流体之间的关系和造矿元素在岩浆与富水流体之间的分配关系是控制矿床形成的三个关键性因素。 相似文献
38.
Gertjan Dijkink 《GeoJournal》2000,51(1-2):65-71
The capital is the centre of the established order but it always had to accept a relatively uncontrollable world of individuals redefining urban space in their own way or pioneering new means of support. As their existence is both a political nuisance and a foreshadowing of institutional changes (sometimes revolutionary) of nation-wide importance, I call such ways of life political frontiers. One may wonder what will become of political frontiers in the information society (or postmodern society) that, apart from borderless, has been described as society without a centre as well. Actually information society is the prototype of a frontier society with self-responsible groups and individuals. However, capitals – even stripped of their governmental functions – may offer a symbolical environment (a condensation of space and time) that precisely satisfies the wants of those who wish to politicise a way of life. Niches for pioneering behaviour may get dispersed over a wider territory but new types of political activity will gravitate to the capital even if the capital's official political status has dwindled. 相似文献
39.
Monika Röper 《GeoJournal》2000,52(1):61-69
Protected areas are considered some of the most versatile as well as important instruments of nature conservation and environmental policies. The `classic' model of nature conservation aims at the isolation of large areas in order to preserve their `pristine' nature from human interference. However, the transfer of this model to developing countries led to serious conflicts with local people. From a socio-geographical viewpoint, protected areas can be understood as regulative tools for the shaping and controlling of space. This approach helps to recognise the influence of distinct modes of appropriation of space and nature on the emergence and course of conflicts. In the present article it is used to analyse the leading role played by Brazilian NGOs in the transformation of the classic model of protected area management at the beginning of the nineties. Two case studies – dealing with the implementation of the Amazonian Mamirauá Reserve and with the reform of the Brazilian protected area legislation – are used to illustrate not only the success of the new approaches, but also the expectations and contradictions which surround the future development of protected areas in Brazil. 相似文献
40.