Sunspot numbers based on historic records in the 1610s: Early telescopic observations by Simon Marius and others

Hoyt & Schatten (1998) claim that Simon Marius would have observed the sun from 1617 Jun 7 to 1618 Dec 31 (Gregorian calendar) all days, except three short gaps in 1618, but would never have detected a sunspot – based on a quotation from Marius in Wolf (1857), but mis‐interpreted by Hoyt & Schatten. Marius himself specified in early 1619 that for one and a half year... rather few or more often no spots could be detected... which was never observed before (Marius 1619). The generic statement by Marius can be interpreted such that the active day fraction was below 0.5 (but not zero) from fall 1617 to spring 1619 and that it was 1 before fall 1617 (since August 1611). Hoyt & Schatten cite Zinner (1952), who referred to Zinner (1942), where observing dates by Marius since 1611 are given but which were not used by Hoyt & Schatten. We present all relevant texts from Marius where he clearly stated that he observed many spots in different form on and since 1611 Aug 3 (Julian) = Aug 13 (Greg.) (on the first day together with Ahasverus Schmidnerus); 14 spots on 1612 May 30 (Julian) = Jun 9 (Greg.), which is consistent with drawings by Galilei and Jungius for that day, the latter is shown here for the first time; at least one spot on 1611 Oct 3 and/or 11 (Julian), i.e. Oct 13 and/or 21 (Greg.), when he changed his sunspot observing technique; he also mentioned that he has drawn sunspots for 1611 Nov 17 (Julian) = Nov 27 (Greg.); in addition to those clearly datable detections, there is evidence in the texts for regular observations. For all the information that can be compared to other observers, the data from Marius could be confirmed, so that his texts are highly credible. We also correct several shortcomings or apparent errors in the database by Hoyt & Schatten (1998) regarding 1612 (Harriot), 1615 (Saxonius, Tard´e), 1616 (Tard´e), 1617–1619 (Marius, Riccioli/Argoli), and Malapert (for 1618, 1620, and 1621). Furthermore, Schmidnerus, Cysat, David & Johann Fabricius, Tanner, Perovius, Argoli, and Wely are not mentioned as observers for 1611, 1612, 1618, 1620, and 1621 in Hoyt & Schatten. Marius and Schmidnerus are among the earliest datable telescopic sunspot observers (1611 Aug 3, Julian), namely after Harriot, the two Fabricius (father and son), Scheiner, and Cysat. Sunspots records by Malapert from 1618 to 1621 show that the last low‐latitude spot was seen in Dec 1620, while the first high‐latitude spots were noticed in June and Oct 1620, so that the Schwabe cycle turnover (minimum) took place around that time, which is also consistent with the sunspot trend mentioned by Marius and with naked‐eye spots and likely true aurorae. We consider discrepancies in the Hoyt & Schatten (1998) systematics, we compile the active day fractions for the 1610s, and we critically discuss very recent publications on Marius which include the following Maunder Minimum. Our work should be seen as a call to go back to the historical sources. (© 2016 WILEY‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, Weinheim)     

准噶尔盆地周缘造山带裂变径迹研究及其地质意义

通过对准噶尔盆地东西两侧造山带地质剖面观察、系统裂变径迹测年与热演化模拟结果分析,并结合前人研究结果,准噶尔盆地周缘造山带中,主要经历了中生代晚期构造热事件。通过裂变径迹分析对比,准噶尔盆地两侧造山带具有不同的隆升历史,盆地西北缘早于东部隆升,隆升速率亦大于东部。准噶尔盆地西北缘自白垩纪以来经历了由准噶尔盆地边缘向扎伊尔山先后依次隆升事件,表明了准噶尔西北缘逆冲断裂系向盆内后展式逆冲推覆。准噶尔盆地东西两侧造山带岩石裂变径迹数据均反映了白垩纪以来的冷却隆升事件,充分证实了燕山晚期构造运动在准噶尔地区的普遍存在,为详细研究燕山期新疆北部陆内构造活动提供了证据。     

Postglacial vegetation history of Mitkof Island, Alexander Archipelago, southeastern Alaska

An AMS radiocarbon-dated pollen record from a peat deposit on Mitkof Island, southeastern Alaska provides a vegetation history spanning ∼12,900 cal yr BP to the present. Late Wisconsin glaciers covered the entire island; deglaciation occurred > 15,400 cal yr BP. The earliest known vegetation to develop on the island (∼12,900 cal yr BP) was pine woodland (Pinus contorta) with alder (Alnus), sedges (Cyperaceae) and ferns (Polypodiaceae type). By ∼12,240 cal yr BP, Sitka spruce (Picea sitchensis) began to colonize the island while pine woodland declined. By ∼11,200 cal yr BP, mountain hemlock (Tsuga mertensiana) began to spread across the island. Sitka spruce-mountain hemlock forests dominated the lowland landscapes of the island until ∼10,180 cal yr BP, when western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla) began to colonize, and soon became the dominant tree species. Rising percentages of pine, sedge, and sphagnum after ∼7100 cal yr BP may reflect an expansion of peat bog habitats as regional climate began to shift to cooler, wetter conditions. A decline in alders at that time suggests that coastal forests had spread into the island's uplands, replacing large areas of alder thickets. Cedars (Chamaecyparis nootkatensis, Thuja plicata) appeared on Mitkof Island during the late Holocene.     

地震作用下边坡稳定性分析

考虑了边坡岩土体材料的动力特性以及地震特性,利用动力有限元时程分析方法对边坡在地震荷载作用下的动力特性进行了分析,采用最小平均安全系数对边坡稳定性进行了评价,并与拟静力法的结果进行了对比分析,对某具体工程实例计算结果表明该分析方法的可行性,可为地震作用下边坡工程设计工作提供一些有益的参考。     

天津市潮间带柱状沉积物中重金属的污染历史及来源判别

利用因子分析和元素含量特征分析两种方法,对天津市潮间带的4个无扰动沉积物柱样的46个样品进行了重金属分析,并探讨了重金属的来源方式和富集原因。研究结果表明,天津市潮间带的重金属可分为3类:1)Fe、Cr、Al及Mn元素主要受环境背景值的影响,2)Hg和Cd受人为活动的影响较大,3)As、Zn、Pb、Cu及Ni受环境背景值及人类活动的双重影响,且影响大小随所在位置的不同而变化。结合210Pb和137Cs测年结果,定量确定了天津市潮间带小于0.063 mm粒级沉积物中Ni等11种重金属元素的环境背景值,并以此为基础,进一步探讨了重金属富集年代、富集量及污染历史和人类活动的关系,发现多数重金属的污染始于1910年代,并在1954年之后富集量增加。     

Historical Sediment Record of ~(137)Cs, δ-HCH,and δ~(13)C Reflects the Impact of Land Use on Soil Erosion

This paper reports the concentrations of 137 Cs, hexachlorocyclohexane(HCH), dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethanes(DDT) and its main degradation products, δ13C, and organic carbon in pond sediments(0-210 cm, sectioned by 2-20 cm interval) and surface soils(the 0-3 cm horizon) collected in 2010 from Chenjia catchment, which is located in Yanting county in the hilly central Sichuan of China. α-, δ-, and γ-HCH, DDT, and DDD were not detected throughout the sediment profile. Trace concentrations of δ-HCH(0.89-29.31 ng g-1) and p,p′-DDE(1.85-6.02 ng g-1) were detected only in top 40 cm sediment. The 137 Cs fallout peak in 1963(corresponding to the 55-60 cm depth), the sedimentary signature left by the last year of HCH use in 1989(an additional indicator at 20-25 cm), and the obvious original channel bed prior to the construction of the pond in 1956 were used as temporal markers to estimate changes in average sedimentation rate between different periods due to changes in land use. Continuous, marked decrease in average sedimentation rate(i.e., 3.79, 1.35 and 1.07 cm year-1 in 1956-1963, 1963-1989, and 1989-2010, respectively)over time was observed, probably due to the reforestation, abandoning of steep sloping farmland for afforestation and natural re-vegetation(implementation of the Grain for Green Program), and the conversion of part of gently sloping farmland terraces to orchard land since the 1980 s, especially since the 1990 s. This was corroborated by the observed decrease(more negative) in δ13C of sediment towards the surface, which indicates increased relative contribution of eroded soil particles coming from slopes with increased tree cover in sediment source area. Combined use of 137 Cs, δ-HCH, and δ13C record in sediments has been demonstrated to be a powerful approach to reconstruction of response in sedimentation rate to historical land use changes.     

琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带结构构造及其演化特征

琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带,即松南—宝岛—长昌凹陷,位于琼东南盆地中央坳陷东端。在大量地震资料解释的基础上,对38条主要断层进行了详细分析。获得以下认识:(1)琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带平面上表现为近EW向展布的平行四边形,剖面结构表现为自西向东由半地堑—不对称的地堑—半地堑有规律变化。(2)琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带断裂系统可划分控制凹陷边界断层、控制洼陷沉积中心断层和调节性断层3类。(3)琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带古近纪时期受到太平洋板块俯冲和南海海盆扩张的双重影响,构造应力场发生NW—SE→SN转变。构造演化可划分为3个阶段:～32Ma,应力场以区域性NW—SE向伸展为主,断裂系统以NE—SW向为主,控制凹陷边界;32～26Ma,以南海海盆近SN向拉张应力场为主,断裂系统以NWW—SEE向为主,断层活动控制凹陷沉积中心;26～Ma,区域性伸展与南海海盆扩张应力均逐渐减弱,NE—SW向和NWW—SEE向断裂继承性发育。(4)琼东南盆地深水区东区凹陷带内部主要断层在渐新统崖城组和陵水组沉积时期活动速率快,地形高差大、沉积水体深、沉积厚度大,控制了崖城组和陵水组的大规模沉积,有利于烃源岩的发育。圈闭以受断层控制的断鼻和断块为主,长昌主洼凹中隆起带发育2个最为理想的构造圈闭。     

Two steps forward,two steps back: The role of innovation in transforming towards community-based marine resource management in Solomon Islands

In many coastal nations, community-based arrangements for marine resource management (CBRM) are promoted by government, advocated for by non-government actors, and are seen by both as one of the most promising options to achieve sustainable use and secure inshore fisheries and aquatic resources. Although there is an abundant literature on what makes CBRM effective, is it less clear how CBRM is introduced or develops as an idea in a community, and the process of how the idea leads to the adoption of a new resource management approach with supporting institutions. Here we aim to address this gap by applying an explicit process-based approach drawing on innovation history methodology by mapping and analysing the initiation and emergence of CBRM in five fishing-dependent communities in Solomon Islands. We use insights from the literatures on diffusion of innovation and transformability to define phases of the process and help guide the inductive analysis of qualitative data. We show the CBRM institutionalisation processes were non-linear, required specific strategies to move from one phase to the next, and key elements facilitated or hindered movement. Building active support for CBRM within communities depended on the types of events that happened at the beginning of the process and actions taken to sustain this. Matching CBRM to known resource management ideas or other social problems in the community, developing legitimate institutions and decision-making processes, strong continual interactions between key actors and the rest of the community (not necessarily NGO actors), and community members witnessing benefits of CBRM, all contributed to the emergence and diffusion of CBRM in the communities, and helped to overcome barriers to transformative change.     

冀中坳陷东北部石炭-二叠系烃源岩热史及成熟史模拟

石炭-二叠系煤成气藏是冀中坳陷东北部亟待突破的勘探领域。文中基于大量的钻井、测井、地球化学和古地温资
料,分别模拟构建了大城凸起、文安斜坡和武清凹陷的埋藏史和考虑岩浆热液侵入作用的热演化史。研究结果表明冀中坳
陷东北部石炭-二叠系地层总体上经历了“三沉两抬”的构造演化过程,在印支运动前全区具有近似的演化历史,印支
期、燕山期区内构造演化开始分异,至新生代形成总体“东隆西坳”的构造格局。区内烃源岩热演化包括一次生烃和二次
生烃,并可细分为长期隆升型、后期强烈沉降深成变质型和岩浆热变质型三种类型。一次成烃主要发生在三叠系末期,二
次成烃分别在新近纪和古近纪岩浆侵入期。区内斜坡浅部和隆起区一次成烃,斜坡和凹陷深部为后期强烈沉降深成变质二
次成烃、斜坡和凸起岩浆热液侵入区发生岩浆热变质二次成烃。一次成烃期Ro 值在0.7%左右,不具成藏潜力,二次成烃
期烃源岩可达高熟、过熟阶段,成藏配置条件好,成藏潜力巨大。     

A late Holocene paleoenvironmental reconstruction from Agua Caliente,southern Belize,linked to regional climate variability and cultural change at the Maya polity of Uxbenká

We report high-resolution macroscopic charcoal, pollen and sedimentological data for Agua Caliente, a freshwater lagoon located in southern Belize, and infer a late Holocene record of human land-use/climate interactions for the nearby prehistoric Maya center of Uxbenká. Land-use activities spanning the initial clearance of forests for agriculture through the drought-linked Maya collapse and continuing into the historic recolonization of the region are all reflected in the record. Human land alteration in association with swidden agriculture is evident early in the record during the Middle Preclassic starting ca. 2600 cal yr BP. Fire slowly tapered off during the Late and Terminal Classic, consistent with the gradual political demise and depopulation of the Uxbenká polity sometime between ca. 1150 and 950 cal yr BP, during a period of multiple droughts evident in a nearby speleothem record. Fire activity was at its lowest during the Maya Postclassic ca. 950–430 cal yr BP, but rose consistent with increasing recolonization of the region between ca. 430 cal yr BP and present. These data suggest that this environmental record provides both a proxy for 2800 years of cultural change, including colonization, growth, decline, and reorganization of regional populations, and an independent confirmation of recent paleoclimate reconstructions from the same region.