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41.
Analysing a sample of 3,033 environmental conflicts around the globe, we compared conflicts reporting no human health impacts to those reporting health impacts linked to toxic pollution. Our study suggests four main findings. First, health impacts are a key concern for working-class communities. Second, the long-term effects of toxic pollution undermine communities' ability to act preventively. Third, industrial activities, waste management and nuclear energy conflicts are more likely to report health impacts than other economic activities. Last, mobilising groups are reluctant to consider the closure of a polluting project a successful outcome because of the persistence of toxic pollution across time. Our results contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics of what we have termed ‘environmental health conflicts’ (EHCs). 相似文献
42.
Neoliberalism and the making of food politics in California 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
This paper examines a philanthropy-led initiative which has as its objective to jump start the transition to a more sustainable and just food system in California. The first major project funded was a “vivid picture” of California’s food system twenty-five years in the future. The outcome of the project is a report that is glossed with the tropes of neoliberalism in all of its key organizing frameworks, analytics, cognitive maps, and idioms and argues for “opportunities-based approaches” as the engine of change. Yet, as described in the paper, this outcome was initially under-determined, and, in fact, the funders had originally intended to leverage their resources for large scale transformation. By examining four moments in the development of the Vivid Picture project, the grantee selection, the modeling exercise, the stakeholder meetings, and the qualitative interviews, this paper will show how existing techniques of neoliberal governance such as modeling, audit, best-practices, and stakeholder participation, as well as current norms of philanthropy, shaped what is thinkable and hence actable. It will also show how “stakeholders” played a constitutive role in producing the outcomes of the project, in part because their input reflected already-developed notions of the possible within the current climate of neoliberalism. In the end it will argue that the failure of the Vivid Picture to look beyond the neoliberal present is itself evidence of the proliferation of neoliberal governmentalities. Still, the entire process galvanized many of the movement actors who were left out of the funding process and, in that way, produced political openings. 相似文献
43.
Dan Klooster 《Geoforum》2010,41(1):117-129
Trans-nationally-scaled, multi-stakeholder, non-governmental product certification systems are emerging as important elements of neoliberal environmental governance. However, analysts question the extent to which they represent effective alternatives to the damaging impacts of neoliberalized, global production. They call for work examining the environmental politics arising in these new arenas of regulation, where social movements advocating environmental conservation and social justice interact with business interests in debates over how to use neoliberal tools to govern global commodity chains. This article examines The Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) process to revise tree plantation certification standards. First, it considers the political process surrounding standard-setting and argues that tensions between rigor, legitimacy, and acceptability restrain the political struggles over standards within voluntary, multi-stakeholder environmental governance organizations. It proffers findings at odds with the expectation that mainstreaming diminishes the rigor of social and environmental standards. Second, it speculates on the implications of this form of neoliberal environmental governance for promoting more sustainable productions of nature. The review process failed to adequately consider the role of plantation certification in strategies for natural forest conservation. Neither did it adequately consider vital questions of the appropriate scale and location of production, the community actors best suited to deliver both forest conservation and poverty alleviation, or the need to encourage reduced consumption. The reliance on a neoliberal framework and values limits the scope of action. These contradictions suggest that FSC certification is an important part of what needs to be a broader movement questioning current practices of environmentally damaging production and complicit, complacent, consumption. 相似文献
44.
《Geoforum》2017
Camping on Twitter, trekking in Google Street View, mountaineering on Snapchat. Wilderness is dead. Long live Wilderness 2.0. In this paper, the term “Wilderness 2.0” refers to the articulation of new media technologies, including mobile digital devices, web 2.0 and locative media, with the practice of wilderness recreation. In this new era of virtual nature, outdoor recreation occurs as much in the statusphere and blogosphere as it does in the biosphere. While much public and academic debate about Wilderness 2.0 has focused on the extent to which new media technologies connect people to, or disconnect them from, nature, this paper argues that wilderness is not a static and essential reality that can simply be connected to or disconnected from, but a social construct that is continually re-created in different cultural contexts. In this sense, Wilderness 2.0 reflects the re-creation of a new ontology of wilderness as DigiPlace: an augmented reality that blurs the lines between the “actual” and the “virtual.” Moreover, Wilderness 2.0 does not simply refer to the creation of a new ontology of wilderness, but the incorporation of outdoor recreation into the political economy of the web 2.0. In the context of Wilderness 2.0, outdoor recreation is increasingly exploited as a form of virtual labour. Thus, despite being associated with a discourse of “sharing” and “connecting to nature,” Wilderness 2.0 is, above all else, a nature that capital can see. 相似文献
45.
《Urban geography》2013,34(8):684-704
This paper examines a social movement among affluent homeowners in Los Angeles. It argues that the social movement is highly institutionalized and durable, and that it has achieved many important citywide and statewide goals during the past 20 years. The paper further argues that this social movement should rightly be considered a stable branch of the urban elite along with local business and local government. However, the homeowners movement pursues a fundamentally different sociospatial agenda than either local business or local government, and those differing agendas suggest the absence of a unified governing regime in the city. The paper examines the structure, agenda, and political alliances of the movement through the case study of the debate surrounding the spatial and political reorganization of the City of Los Angeles, the most salient element of which is the possibility of San Fernando Valley secession. 相似文献
46.
《Geoforum》2017
Weather modification operations are the intentional alteration of weather and cloud water conditions using technologies such as cloud seeding. Post-socialist authoritarian China is the world’s leading user of state power for rainfall enhancement through weather modification, with diverse purposes including agriculture production, water security, ecological preservation, and mega events. We argue that weather modification in China needs to be understood as a facet of ecological modernization, in which the authoritarian state believes that precipitation can be controlled through the use of advanced technologies, thus transforming clouds into a kind of cloud water resource. Two political dimensions are highlighted to understand precipitation control and utilization of cloud water: the first is a new ideological politics of the changing human-weather relationship from ‘adaptation to the weather’ to ‘taming the weather”; the second is volume politics that presents unique characteristics of airborne water as opposed to terrestrial and groundwater. 相似文献
47.
《Marine Policy》2017
This paper suggests that detrimental effects of certain neoliberal fisheries policies are key drivers behind the development of alternative seafood marketing programs in North America. It examines the structures, market and non-market values, and challenges of these programs. The primary aim of the research, based on interviews involving 20 programs and a conference workshop, was to advance understanding of the market value of alternative seafood marketing to fishers and communities. However, the importance of a broader set of non-market values was repeatedly highlighted by those engaged in these programs. Overall, the research suggests that alternative seafood marketing can enable fishers to participate in fisheries managed by neoliberal, market-based policies, through the promotion of market values along their diverse value chains. At the same time, alternative seafood marketing appears to resist market-based fishing systems, sometimes through the promotion of broader, non-market outcomes. Common challenges along these alternative seafood value chains highlight the structural conflicts that exist while simultaneously participating in and resisting neoliberal fisheries structures. 相似文献
48.
《Geoforum》2016
Environmental conservation is increasingly operated through partnerships among state, private, and civil society actors, yet little is known empirically about how such collectives function and with what livelihood and governance outcomes. The landscape approach to conservation (known also as the ecosystem approach) is one such hybrid governance platform. Implemented worldwide over the past decade by international NGOs, the landscape approach employs the ‘ecosystem principles’ of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). In spite of its prominence as a conservation and development strategy, little political ecology scholarship has considered the landscape approach. This article offers a case study of a conservation landscape in the Congo Basin, the Tri-National de la Sangha (TNS), which connects tropical forests in Cameroon, Republic of Congo, and Central African Republic. Led by NGOs, the TNS has since 2001 relied on partnerships among logging companies, safari hunters, the state, and local communities. Although the landscape approach purports to facilitate re-negotiations of user rights, resource access patterns in the TNS appear to have molded to pre-existing power relations. Rather than incorporating local concerns and capabilities into management, local knowledge is discredited and livelihoods are marginalized. As a result, management occurs through spatially-demarcated zones, contrasting the fluidity of interactions among diverse groups: both human (loggers, hunter-gatherers, safari guides, NGOs) and non-human (trees, elephants). These findings are situated within a burgeoning literature on neoliberal environmental governance, and suggest that ensuring ecologically and socially positive outcomes will require careful and iterative attention to linkages between ecological processes and evolving power dynamics. 相似文献
49.
JAMES M. BLAUT 《Geographical review》1999,89(3):391-408
ABSTRACT. Environmental determinism has served to validate a Eurocentric world history for several centuries, and it continues to do so today. This essay looks briefly at the historical marriage between environmental determinism and Eurocentric history, then develops a detailed critique of the environmental determinism put forward in two recent world-history books: Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs, and Steel (1997) and David Landes's The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (1998). 相似文献
50.
Chukwumerije Okereke 《Geoforum》2006,37(5):725-738
With specific focus on two environmental regimes (the Basel Convention on the Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and the Climate Change Convention), this paper seeks to indicate the prospects and limitations of the aspirations for distributive justice by the political South within the context of sustainability in general, and the institutions for global environmental governance in particular. It is argued that while these aspirations have produced important normative shifts in the rule-structure of global environmental management, they have not proved momentous enough to generate policies outside of what the prevailing neoliberal socio-economic regime might permit. Hence, although the texts of global environmental agreements accommodate concepts that express egalitarian notions of justice, core policies remain firmly rooted in market-based neoliberal interpretations of justice, which mainly serve to sustain the status quo. 相似文献