ABSTRACTMitigating climate change is often framed as the ultimate collective action problem of this era and great emphasis is made on the need for approaches that foster ‘cooperation’ and ‘consensus’. This paper argues that the irony of this rhetoric could not be more stark; climate policy framing is an exclusionary process, and climate mitigating interventions that are engineered essentially to address neoliberal economic concerns rather than environmental challenges are often the source of multiple new conflicts. In this regard, this paper shows how the response of local non governmental organisations (NGOs) to hydropower development in the Darjeeling region of West Bengal in the Eastern Himalayas bears evidence to Gramscian analyses of ‘the manufacture of consent’ between elite bourgeois actors – the state, formal civil society, political parties and the private sector. Such ‘associational’ unions are only occasionally interrupted, as in the case of the people’s movement, Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT) in North Sikkim. Finding a balance between resistance and enabling political space to think and act differently, the movement led to the cancellation of several hydropower projects put forward in the name of climate mitigation, and in the process, drew attention to political processes involved in the manufacture of consent. Using case studies from the Darjeeling and Sikkim regions, this paper distinguishes between Gramsci’s vision of the political space of disruption vis-à-vis the covert agenda of climate consensus.Key policy insights
A politics of consensus in relation to climate change is an outcome of, and in turn reiterates, a narrowing of distance between the state and civil society.
Including civil society in climate policy decision making and implementation is considered positive and inclusive, however, it is important to note that civil society is not always and everywhere inclusive and transformative.
Both at global and national levels, it is claimed that climate change interventions happen in an overall framework of participatory, inclusive environmental governance; in relation to hydropower development, we note that this is hardly the practice on the ground.
This paper reports on the contribution of tourism to the wellbeing of rural residents through the development of economic linkages engaged by community‐based tourism (CBT) in rural Costa Rica. In a qualitative case study of local economic linkages surrounding one such project in Chira Island, economic linkages were assessed at two levels: discourse and practice. The findings indicate that CBT does not involve the collective property of the community, but rather, the collective property of a group of community members organized in a formal association. As a result, a discourse on local economic linkages has been promoted by CBT support organizations in which hopes of wider benefits are placed on small linkages to services and products provided by local community members. However, a field survey suggested that the economic linkages generated by CBT in the community were sporadic and polyvalent and, furthermore, that the linkages with agriculture are negatively affected by scale and seasonality, resulting in leakages out of the community. These findings caution practitioners that CBT may only have small‐scale positive impacts on the local economy. 相似文献
In the field of environmental governance information is starting to become increasingly important, not least because of globalization and the information and communication technologies revolution. The notion of informational governance is a recent coinage that acknowledges the (partial) switch from regulatory‐based forms of governance to information‐based modes. In the information‐rich centres and nodes of the network society, where information is widely produced, disseminated and accessible, this might prove analytically useful. But what are the contours of informational governance in information‐poor environments? This paper looks into the (limited) emergence of informational governance arrangements in environmental protection in two cases characterizing the informational periphery: China and Vietnam. 相似文献
The current global housing policy, the enabling approach, emphasizes the need for governments to encourage community participation in the shelter sector. This research examines the role of the government and community-based organizations (CBOs) in the housing sector and analyzes how they interact. To determine whether governments and CBOs are participating in the shelter sector as advocated under the approach, this study examines the role of two CBOs engaged in upgrading shelter for the poor in Santo Domingo, the Dominican Republic. This research demonstrates that the enabling approach can be effective if the government is supportive and CBOs are engaged in the planning, decision-making, and implementation of the housing project. This study finds that cooperation between the implementing NGO, CBOs, and households is crucial for the success of the housing project. The study also demonstrates how the enabling policies employed in Santo Domingo, including low-cost labor and use of low-cost building materials, help overcome obstacles encountered under previous housing policies such as displacement and affordability issues. 相似文献
Children and youth are a key target group for interventions to address southern Africa’s AIDS pandemic. Such interventions are frequently implemented through schools, and are often complex products of negotiation between a range of institutional actors including international agencies, NGOs, government departments and individual schools. These institutions not only stand in different (horizontally scaled) spatial relationships to students in schools; they also appear to operate at different hierarchical levels. Empirical research with policy makers and practitioners in Lesotho, however, reveals how interventions are produced through flows of knowledge, funding and personnel within and between institutions that make it difficult to assert that any intervention is manifestly more international or more local than any other. Scale theory offers the metaphor of a network or web which usefully serves to move attention away from discrete organisations, sectors and scalar positionings and onto the relationships and flows between them. Nevertheless, organisations and development interventions are often partly structured in scalar hierarchical ways that express substantive power differentials and shape the forms of interaction that take place, albeit not binding them to strict binaries or nested hierarchies. A modified network metaphor is useful in aiding understanding of how particular interventions are produced through intermeshing scales and diverse fluid interactions, and why they take the form they do. 相似文献
Communities are increasingly becoming development spaces where members are dynamic actors in fashioning issues of common interest.
This paper explores women’s efforts at building social capital for communitarian ventures in selected rural localities of
the Cameroon grasslands. It is argued that effective participation in raising livelihoods and infrastructure provisioning
is facilitated through women’s social networks (njangis). The paper situates the gender concerns in community participation, rekindled through village development associations (VDAs)
– crucial in needs identification, prioritization and execution of identified projects. Based on focused field studies in
selected localities, it is established that due to their low social status, workloads and tight schedule, women remain on
the sidelines of the leadership in VDAs. However, women’s in-cash or in-kind contribution remains crucial to the successful
implementation of projects. Enhancing female participation hinges on efforts at erasing cultural stereotypes that project
women as domestic workers, improving literacy, increased access to productive resources especially land, direct support to
women’s agricultural activity and improved rural infrastructure (roads, water supply, and electricity) that is compromising
women’s participation and empowerment drive. 相似文献
In the event of a disaster, communities become the targets of specialist organisations and a concentration of activities.
The complex unstructured activities and routines of daily life are disrupted and even totally overwhelmed by a single catastrophic
event that requires a redirection of priorities, resources and people to deal with all aspects of the disaster impact as rapidly
as possible. The whole community must be mobilised to restore functions and meet needs, to return to the normality of the
pre-disaster state. This latter purpose is least likely to be achieved, as the destroyed community can seldom rebuild to the
same complex, but randomly haphazard state that existed before the disaster. The mobilisation of the whole community to the
single purpose of recovery requires a high level of organisation. Response to a disaster demands that there be purposeful
organisations ready to provide leadership and action. Emergency management is predicated for the existence of such purposeful
organisations. However, while organisations are at the core of emergency management response and recovery, they are by no
means simple or singular. Disaster generates a plethora of organisations, which interact with the community rather than simply
organising disaster response. The community also organises itself, re-assigning priorities and using existing organisations
and networks. 相似文献
This paper is concerned with how existing migration policies affect individual migrant women's choices, in particular, with the advancement, or consolidation, of a migrants' rights perspective. The focus is thereby on those migrants classified as unskilled, who constitute the largest and most vulnerable category among migrants. The analysis of migration policies has conventionally been approached from a state/government‐centred viewpoint that sees states as the key actors. This paper, however, emphasises a larger number of actors ‐ governmental and non‐governmental ‐ as well as the power relations among them to argue that protection through “legal regulation” in the absence of actual implementation is an incomplete solution to alleviate unfair labour conditions that migrants in general, and migrant women specifically, experience. Measures designed to “protect” migrants must be accompanied by measures that empower them, a role that has largely been taken on by existing migrant worker non‐governmental organisations (NGOs). Focussing on intra‐Asian migration flows in which Southeast Asia is the main labour sender and East Asia the receiver of Southeast Asian migrants, the paper explores the nexus between law and civic activism in the specific subject area of international labour migration and its gender implications. 相似文献
Successful efforts of indigenous groups to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries (REDD+) will likely vary with how the initiatives are designed and implemented. Whether REDD+ initiatives are carried out by national governments or decentralized to sub-national or project-level institutions with a nested approach could be of great consequence. I describe the Suruí Forest Carbon Project in Amazonian Brazil, one of the first REDD+ pilot projects implemented with indigenous people in the world. I emphasize (1) how enfranchisement of community members in the policy-planning process, fund management, and carbon baseline establishment increased project reliability and equity, and (2) how the project's quality would have likely been diminished if implemented under a centralized REDD+ scheme.
Policy relevance
This article explores a decentralized REDD+ intervention established in an indigenous land in Brazil. It expands the theoretical discussions on REDD+ governance and highlights how centralized REDD+ programmes are likely to be less effective than project-level interventions assisted by NGOs in terms of social benefits and community engagement. Additionally, the case study described can serve as reference for the design of critical social and technical components of REDD+. 相似文献
In this paper,we analyzed the One Foundations relief and reconstruction activities after the Yaan earthquake.The analysis shows that the participation of NGOs in disaster relief activities has undergone different stages.In the Jiujiang earthquake,NGOs participation was in the rudimentary stage.In the Wenchuan earthquake,they became one of the active participants.In the Yaan earthquake,they played an active role through a cooperation mechanism.That means NGOs have had the capability of resource mobilization and cooperation with them will improve disaster management capacities,especially in the national significant seismic monitoring and protection regions. 相似文献