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31.
资源外交寓于国际地缘政治的长期博弈之中。地缘政治是一国对外交往所要考虑的重要因素之一。本文立足于内线周边和外线外围的地缘关系分析,总结了中国资源外交地缘政治的总体态势和潜在风险,并试图提出我国资源外交的基本思路。在全球地缘政治格局中,中国的资源外交包括内线地带和外线地带两个层次:内线由接壤的邻国以及接近的近邻组成,是中国资源外交的战略依托地带;外线由涵盖美洲、欧洲、非洲和澳洲大陆的资源生产大国和消费大国组成,是中国资源外交的战略腾挪空间。在这两个层次上,我国的地缘风险主要来自其他大国的地缘战略遏制、“走出去”战略的地缘选择权旁落、资源通道和贸易路线受制于人。要突破这些地缘限制与束缚,我国的资源外交需统筹国内、国际两个大局,分清内线、外线战略方向的轻重缓急,以周边关系为首要、以大国关系为关键、以发展中国家关系为基础,积极拓展对外友好关系的发展空间,有序扩展资源合作领域,坚定维护国家资源权益。  相似文献   
32.
本文在阐明关中盆地环境水文地质条件的基础上,论述了关中盆地潜水化学特征及其成因,并着重对盆地潜水化学变化的几个主要问题,诸如常规组份的升高及水化学类型的改变、潜水硬度的升高、硝酸盐的富集及微量重金属元素的污染等进行了分析。讨论了上述问题的因果及今后工作意见。  相似文献   
33.
This review offers a critical reading of the November 2014 India–U.S. trade deal that unblocked an impasse in the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Doha round and considers what it means for the way we govern global trade. It argues that the agreement, rather than being a ‘victory’ for the developing world or a cause for celebration, may simply reinforce an unfair and problematic system of distributing trade opportunities among WTO members. It may also obscure further the need for a fundamental overhaul of the way global trade is governed. In so doing, the review speaks to broader debates about what happens when ‘rising’ powers replace established states in global institutions in the absence of wider processes of reform; and it adds to growing concerns about the increasing precariousness of least developed countries (LDCs) in international economic regimes.  相似文献   
34.
Abstract

This article introduces and explores a new form of international commitment to limit greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, called an action target. Action targets differ from other forms of targets, such as the Kyoto Protocol's fixed targets, in that they define a quantity of GHG abatement to be achieved, rather than a future emission level to be reached. This article explains the basic mechanics of how action targets might operate, and analyses the approach across a range of criteria, including uncertainty management and contributions to sustainable development in non-Annex I (developing) countries. The analysis suggests that action targets might improve the prospects of widening and deepening developing country participation in the international climate regime.  相似文献   
35.
《Climate Policy》2013,13(3):221-231
Abstract

Five years down the road from Kyoto, the Protocol that bears that city's name still awaits enough qualifying ratifications to come into force. While attention has been understandably focussed on the ratification process, it is time to begin thinking about the next steps for the global climate regime, particularly in terms of a deeper inclusion of developing countries' concerns and interests. This paper begins doing so from the perspective of the developing countries. The principal argument is that we need to return to the basic principles outlined in the Framework Convention on Climate Change in searching for a north—south bargain on climate change. Such a bargain may be achievable if we can realign the policy architecture of the climate regime to its original stated goals of sustainable development.  相似文献   
36.
《Climate Policy》2013,13(2):211-227
Abstract

This paper assesses five options for targets that could be taken by all countries to meet the ultimate objective of the climate change convention: fixed, binding targets; dynamic targets; non-binding targets; sectoral targets; policies and measures. Each is evaluated according to criteria of environmental effectiveness, cost-effectiveness, contribution to economic growth and sustainable development, and equity. While fixed, binding targets continue to be viable for industrialised countries, they do not seem suitable for many developing countries in the near future. Dynamic targets could alleviate developing countries' concerns about constraining their development as well as broader concerns about possible introduction of “hot air” in a world trading regime; they could also be considered for some or all industrialised countries. Non-binding targets could be politically appealing to developing countries, alleviate fears about development and/or hot air, but might only allow conditional participation in emissions trading by developing countries. Sectoral targets could offer a pragmatic first step—although their cost-effectiveness might be questioned. Finally, targets based on commitments to implement specific policies and measures might drive mitigation action and be part of negotiated packages including financial and technological co-operation. All these options may coexist in the future.  相似文献   
37.
38.
适度人口取决于生态、经济和土地等多要素的综合承载力。介绍了生态足迹模型的基本概念和计算方法,并运用该模型对兵团1995—2008年的生态足迹和生态承载力进行了计算,在此基础上对兵团的1995—2010年的生态适度人口进行了估算。结果表明,1995—1999年兵团的实际人口虽然在增加,但相对于生态适度人口并没有出现过剩;2000—2010年兵团生态适度人口在不断下降,实际人口和过剩人口却在不断增加。兵团目前已经出现了过度人口和生态赤字,人地矛盾相对紧张,生态适度人口规模是不合理的。  相似文献   
39.
Arguments about the “positive” influence of growing transnational linkages have typically focused on their role in diffusing environmentally superior innovations which help to raise countries’ environment-efficiency. The present article empirically tests these claims by examining whether developing countries’ linkages with more CO2- and SO2-efficient economies contribute to domestic improvements in CO2- and SO2-efficiency. Our large-N, statistical findings caution against some of the efficiency-oriented optimism voiced by supporters of globalization. Although imports ties with more pollution-efficient countries are found to spillover into improved domestic CO2- and SO2-efficiency, neither transnational linkages via exports, inward foreign direct investment (FDI) nor telephone calls appear to have any influence on domestic pollution-efficiency.  相似文献   
40.
高星 《地球科学进展》1999,14(2):124-132
无论是从对地球物理性质的基本认识,还是从国民经济经济发展的需要看,地球物理学都应得到重视和发展。在总结我国地球物理工作的基础上,讨论了地球物理学尤其是固体地球物理学的趋势,如学科发展问题、重大科学问题及观测手段问题等。在此基础上,对地球物理研究所在固体地球科学中心中的地位及作用进行了分析,它就是以基础民为国民经济经济服务及为国家决策咨询相并重。另外,对建立地球科学中心的模式进行了初步探讨。  相似文献   
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