Precise U-Pb ages have been obtained from zircon and baddeleyite in plutonic rocks from the Siljan-Skrim area in the Vestfold Graben Segment in the south-western part of the Permian Oslo Rift. In addition, common lead data from feldspars in the same rocks are presented. The measured common Pb compositions of the feldspars are used to correct for initial common Pb in the zircons. The common Pb data indicate that U has been present in the feldspars since the time of crystallisation, probably in a late magmatic volatile phase in fluid inclusions.
The Siljan-Skrim area comprises two intrusive complexes. The northern Skrim-Mykle complex consists of two large, composite intrusive bodies, the Skrim larvikite and the Mykle ekerite. The southern Siljan-Hvarnes complex consists of a series of monzonitic to syenitic intrusions, which are nested in a systematic way, indicating decreasing emplacement age from east to west.
U-Pb zircon ages range from 281.2 ± 0.6 Ma (2σ) to 279.8 ± 0.7 Ma for three samples from the northern part of the Siljan-Skrim area and from 278.5 ± 0.8 Ma to 277.3 ± 0.8 Ma for four samples from the southern part of the area.
The geochronological data suggest that large amounts of magma were emplaced within very short time spans, i.e. less than 2 Ma for each of the two complexes. The high precision of the U-Pb age results allows discrimination between intrusive activity in the northern and southern parts of the Siljan-Skrim area and suggests that emplacement of magmas was episodic. 相似文献
We examine the participation of stakeholders in the rule-making process leading to the design of the US Clean Power Plan (CPP), which was the cornerstone regulation developed during the Obama administration to lower GHG emissions from power plants in the US. Using publicly available information, we identify the core stakeholders that participated in the different stages of the rulemaking process, from the early draft of the rule to its publication in final form, and examine variables that could help explain their decisions to litigate, either against or in favour of the final version of the rule. We show that the ‘pro-CPP’ stakeholders were (a) more likely to participate during the early stages of the rule-making process, attending meetings with the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) staff to discuss rule content, and (b) less likely to get involved during the litigation process. ‘Anti-CPP’ stakeholders, on the other hand, did the opposite, being in general less active during the rulemaking stages, and more active during the litigation stage. However, we also find that the ‘anti-CPP’ stakeholders were more tightly organized as a coalition when compared to the ‘pro-CPP’ stakeholders throughout the process (even in the early stages when they participated less). Our results shed new light on the way advocacy coalitions operate in the climate policy subsystem in the US, and help inform debates about the likelihood of conflict and cooperation across a variety of environmental policy topics.
Key policy insights
The design of the Clean Power Plan was a long and contentious process in which ‘Pro’ and ‘Anti-CPP’ coalitions operated to support and undermine the rule, respectively.
‘Pro-CPP’ stakeholders were more active in meetings organized to discuss the CPP with EPA staff, and in submitting written comments.
‘Anti-CPP’ stakeholders were more active during litigation, in response to perceived EPA overreach in designing the rule and negative financial impacts on states’ economies.
Joint participation by ‘Anti-CPP’ stakeholders in meetings conveyed by the EPA to discuss the potential content of the rule helps explain their joint litigation efforts, which hints at their considerable capacity to self-organize as a coalition throughout the process.
To effectively address the root causes of carbon lock-in across developing countries, Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) with transformational change characteristics are being supported by donors and finance mechanisms as a means to achieve ambitious nationally determined contributions (NDCs). However, there is still a scarcity of empirical studies on how transformational change policies and actions are designed and supported in practice. This article addresses such a gap in knowledge by combining theoretical insights from the multi-level perspective and transitions management literature to examine a donor-supported cement sector NAMA in Tunisia developed during 2012–2013. A narrative is constructed to analyse the adequacy of the NAMA design to promote structural shifts towards low carbon development in the cement sector. Data collection is based on semi-structured interviews and documentation gathered during field work in Tunisia 2014–2015. The study finds that the NAMA design is not likely to lead to transformational change of the cement sector, since underlying factors accounting for lock-in are not properly tackled. Although the NAMA has enabled new and promising sectoral partnerships across the cement sector, the analysis suggests that the NAMA’s transformational potential is currently limited by a number of factors not being adequately addressed. Measures are proposed to reorient the NAMA towards promoting system innovation, building on further research and experimentation with the policy entrepreneurial role of donors.
Key policy insights
Underlying factors such as the absence of local finance institutions and the lack of reflexivity features in project design restrict the potential of the Tunisian cement NAMA to spur transformation to low carbon development.
To tackle underlying causes of carbon lock-in and reorient policies and actions for transformational design, the promotion of feedback loops and self-contemplation needs to be based on a long-term vision, experimentation, social learning and information gathered during implementation.
Donors need to re-think their existing modalities to better support unpredictable and highly political changes for sustainability transitions in developing countries.
The point of departure for this article is the contemporary tendency towards localisation of politics in the context of neo-liberal globalisation. Mediated through institutional reforms, political discourses and localised struggles, this localisation of politics produce new and transformed local political spaces. The purpose of the article is to examine the capacity of popular movements to use and transform such political spaces within the South African housing sector. This analysis is done through a combination of conceptual examination of political space and actor capacity and a concrete case study of the political strategies and capacities of The South African Homeless People’s Federation. The article argues that the Federation has utilised political relations at different scales to mobilise resources such as land and subsidies for housing for its members. It has also influenced the formulation of housing policies through its discourses and practical experiences with people-driven housing processes. In consequence the Federation’s ability to function as a civil/political movement has granted them a certain capacity to participate in the complicated process of turning de jure rights to adequate shelter into de facto rights for the urban poor as citizens of a democratic South Africa. 相似文献
Science China Earth Sciences - The Lingshan Island scientific drill confirms that two episodes (Laiyang period and Qingshan period) of rifting developed in the central Sulu orogenic belt (SOB) in... 相似文献