云南腾冲胆扎村傈僳族民族生态史调查

1949年以后,随着社会的不断变革,傈僳族与全国的所有民族一样,其生产生活方式发生了根本性的改变,而与之相关的民族文化也发生了相应的演变。笔者通过运用文献资料查阅及半结构式访谈、参与观察、体验等人类学的田野调查方法,在云南腾冲的胆扎村就傈僳族的民族生态史进行了调查研究。研究表明,胆扎村傈僳族人口、社会经济、耕地利用方式、生产方式、林权、森林经营方式和民族文化等方面都发生了深刻巨大的变化,这些变化主要与社会变革和发展、主流文化对民族文化的影响等因素密切相关,而电视的普及、新技术推广、交通通讯的迅速发展更加快了这种变化。     

大连金石狩猎俱乐部

金石狩猎俱乐部占地面积200万平方米,纵横于山野沟壑之间,原木生长、枯草凉棚、青石铺就的石板羊肠小道、残石砌成的猎战堡垒、代表玛雅文化的图腾柱及索道吊桥、卦式篝火台,楼内陈列着古枪、军刀及栩栩如生的动植物标本,无不透露出古朴、自然和野性的风格,展示了现代狩猎文化及蕴藏其中的人类进取精神,给人神秘、刺激的视觉享受。     

高黎贡山地区的采集活动及其对生物多样性保护的影响研究

2000年1－12月间，通过采用半结构访谈和田野调查等方法，在高黎贡山地区就采集活动进行了为期1年的调查研究，结果表明：当地居民的采集涉及野生动植物约600种（含菌类），其中食用植物约200种、药用植物约300种、其它用途的采集涉及动植物100多种，采集不仅在广大山地居民的经济生活中起着十分重要的作用，而且与生物多样性保护也有着十分密切的关系；记录并分析了野核桃的采集与核桃油加工、高山野生蔬菜的采集、竹子采集的变迁、香叶树与香果油、嚼油与采集、胡蜂采集、大型真菌的采集与加工、燕窝采集等主要采集模式及其对生物多样性保护的影响；提出了今后对高黎贡山地区采集活动管理的对策。     

地块尺度城市水源地生态补偿标准核算——以贵阳市阿哈水库实证分析为例

水源地保护是解决城市供水问题的有效途径,合理的补偿标准是水源地保护计划顺利实施的重要保障。以贵阳市阿哈水库为例,以耕地收益作为林地保护的机会成本,在地块尺度上从自然和交通2个方面建立影响耕地收益的指标体系,利用田野调查及实验数据,结合GIS技术,建立多元线性回归方程,核算林地保护的机会成本。结果显示:1)阿哈水库汇水流域耕地自然条件指数值介于0.549~0.823之间,指数高值区主要集中在河流沿岸及水库东南沿岸地势较低地区,低值区域主要分布于地势较高、坡度较陡的区域;交通条件指数值介于0.224~0.900之间。2)自然条件指数和交通条件指数对耕地收益均呈正向影响,自然条件指数的影响较大。3)选取了14个林地地块测算机会成本,其值介于896.405~1 523.772元/亩之间,平均机会成本值为1 274.623元/亩。保护不同林地地块损失的机会成本差异较大,应当采取有差别的补偿标准。     

广州南沙地区湿地生态系统的服务功能与保护

南沙地区是广州城市空间“南拓”发展战略的重点开发区域。南沙地区湿地资源丰富，其开发建设必须正确处理湿地开发与保护的关系，实现社会经济与生态环境可持续发展。在南沙地区湿地资源现状调查的基础上，分析了南沙地区湿地生态系统的服务功能，依据功能的重要程度与湿地资源的稀缺性，指出了南沙开发中应加强生态敏感区、红树林生境、水生动物繁殖区与鱼类洄游通道、自然林植被区、历史文化遗迹与自然景观分布区等重要湿地的保护，并提出了相应保护措施。     

我国大都市郊区古镇保护性开发模式探索--以上海市浦东新区新场古镇为例

历史村镇的保护已经成为我国城乡协调发展的重要环节,本文在田野调查的基础上,以上海市浦东新区新场古镇为例,分析了历史村镇保护和开发中存在着经济基础薄弱、原住民文化流失、城乡功能定位模糊等问题,提出应根据文化-经济-生态协同发展的保护性开发模式,以多产业联动方式,提升地方经济竞争力;激励社会各界广泛参与,重塑地方文化认同;改善区域生态环境,优化新场古镇功能,将古镇保护融入区域综合发展的顶层设计之中。     

城市化进程中广州城中村传统宗族文化的重构

祠堂是中国宗族文化的典型代表,在快速城市化进程中,传统的宗族文化经历着重构。以广州城中村猎德、珠村内的祠堂及其所承载的宗族文化为考察对象,运用空间句法理论对两个代表性祠堂的空间形态特征与村民生活及行为模式之间的关系进行阐释后发现:1祠堂空间作为承载传统宗族文化的"场域",其空间形态与村民行为模式相互依赖、相互影响。重建后的猎德祠堂为了适应新的功能需求,在空间形态上呈现出与珠村古祠堂明显的差别;2在转型时期宗族文化的重构体现在祠堂传统的祭祀活动正在逐渐被娱乐活动所取代,休闲和宴席成为村民在祠堂中的主要活动事项,与古祠堂相比,猎德新建祠堂已成为一个面向社会的盈利性场所;3作为宗族文化景观的代表,祠堂空间形态演变反映出村民行为模式的改变,正是宗族文化衰退、重构的直观明证;4 20世纪以后在夫妇制家族时代,村民的宗族意识在逐渐衰退,尤其在快速城市化进程中,当村落整体文化环境及承载传统文化的物质载体发生巨变时这种衰退会加速。对承载传统文化的"场域"和聚落环境的探讨不仅为社会转型期传统文化的保护和城市更新提供了有益启示,也为深层次理解建筑及其环境的"文化基因"提供了参考。     

泸沽湖自然社会生态系统保护区设置问题

本文运用人地关系论、地球系统科学和可持续发展的观点，对泸沽湖自然、社会生态系统功能、结构、演化在全国乃至世界中的独特性进行了探讨，揭示了泸沽湖湖泊类型及其结构、社会文化生态系统的基本特征，提出了突破行政分割，协调自然与社会保护关系，作为一个整体，设置国家级自然社会生态系统保护区的建议。     

黄山岂能成山城 地名混乱误导游人

黄山风景区兴建宾馆、水库,破坏景观的问题经本报率先披露后,引起较大反响。中国社会科学院环境与发展研究中心调查组对黄山自然与文化遗产地的保护状况进行了一番明察暗访。调查结论认为,黄山存在破坏性开发,遗产质量管理、经营体制、行政建制存在弊端,背离世界文化与自然遗产保护原则,黄山管理模式须全面更新——     

侗族禁忌文化的生态学解读

传统文化和传统的生态知识在当今环境和生物多样性保护中的重要性已被越来越多的研究者和决策者所认识,通过文化多样性保护促进生物多样性保护也成为重要的研究内容。我国禁忌文化是传统文化的重要组成部分,是一个民族在不同的自然环境和社会交际中自发地、逐步形成的一种复杂的社会文化现象。随着社会的发展,许多禁忌的具体内容与形式会随之发生转化甚至消亡,但是有些禁忌却仍然在现实生活中担当着重要的角色,许多民族的禁忌习俗对生态环境的保护仍然发挥着其他法律规范、制度措施所不能比拟的积极作用。在大量文献调研和实地考察的基础上,以黔东南侗族地区为例,较为系统地研究了一些禁忌产生的原因,重点分析了稻作文化中的一些禁忌及其生态学意义,揭示了少数民族地区包括禁忌在内的传统文化对生态保护和生物多样性保护的积极作用。     

Beliefs about Ecological Impacts Predict Deer Acceptance Capacity and Hunting Support

Ecological impacts of deer overbrowsing often lead resource managers to recommend deer control through hunting, which may be strongly opposed by local residents. Adaptive impact management argues that understanding wildlife impacts of concern to the public can improve wildlife management. However, research on public wildlife acceptance capacity for deer, and on support for hunting, has emphasized concerns about household impacts and deer well-being, general environmental beliefs and attitudes, and beliefs about consequences of hunting, but not public concerns about deer ecological impacts. Our survey of neighbors of urban wetlands shows that beliefs about deer ecological impacts are statistically significant predictors of deer acceptance capacity and of support for hunting, controlling for other factors. Including ecological-impact beliefs adds substantially to the explained variance in deer acceptance capacity, and slightly to the explained variance in support for hunting.     

New multifunctional hunting landscapes in Denmark

Between 1992 and 2008 subsidization of mandatory set aside land under the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) gave rise to the establishment of a characteristic type of multifunctional hunting landscapes in Denmark, primarily located on fallow land in tilled valley bottoms. A national survey of these landscapes in 2006 has been carried out and 1061 hunting areas have been identified nationwide. Subsidies relating to set aside land acted as a supplementary type of income, which supported the development of multifunctional land use on marginal soils where the income from hunting and subsidies in combination was a viable alternative to monofunctional rotational agriculture. Hunting landscapes developed as the consequence of landscape management strategies designed to comply with the requirements of the CAP while improving habitat conditions for wildlife and increasing income from hunting rental activities. Forty-seven percent of the hunting landscapes in 2006 were in rotational production in 2010 while 19% were used for other agricultural purposes and 34% were taken out of the subsidy regime and removed from the general agricultural register. In 2012, a total of 431 such areas ? 41% of the areas identified in 2006 ? were still used for hunting. The number and geographical distribution of the hunting landscapes seems closely related to the potential average hunting rent, the level of urbanisation and the occurrence of manorial estates with traditions for multifunctional land use as part of their economic strategy. Implications for the ongoing discussion on land use policy concerning land sharing vs. land sparing is discussed.     

Dynamics of hunting territories and prey distribution in Amazonian Indigenous Lands

Indigenous Lands in the Brazilian Amazon intend to guarantee indigenous rights and conserve forests, although many do not correspond to peoples' territorial needs and may not effectively preserve wildlife. Most indigenous people rely on game for subsistence, and the spatial distribution of hunts and prey determine hunting sustainability and wildlife conservation. I examined the Kaxinawa hunting territory dynamics through the participatory monitoring and mapping of 10 ILs. The Kaxinawa are central-place foragers whose ideal hunting territories have a circular shape with a radius of 5 km. The geopolitics of the Kaxinawa combined with spatial occupation distort hunting territories to maintain indigenous control while respecting the territories of nearby villages. The fission of large villages leads to reduced hunting territories but increases the overall hunted area, consequently affecting game populations. Kaxinawa hunting did not lead species to extinction. The Kaxinawa hunted 65% of prey within 2.5 km of the villages and the other 30% within 5 km. Although all of the species were hunted close to villages, the prey were smaller, and several sensitive species were rarely hunted. The replacement of such sensitivity for more resilient low-ranked species on hunting bags suggests that these species might be depleted near villages. These findings provide objective standards for titling Indigenous Lands and for improving wildlife management within these lands.     

Killing Animals for Recreation? A Quantitative Study of Hunters’ Motives and Their Perceived Moral Relevance

Hunters in the Western world today do not need to hunt to obtain food and other animal products. So why do they hunt? This paper examines the motives of hunters, the motives ascribed to hunters by members of the general public, and the role motives play for the moral acceptability of hunting among members of the general public. It draws on a nationally representative survey of the general public (n?=?1,001) and hunters (n?=?1,130) in Denmark. People with a negative attitude to hunting are more likely to take motives into account when they consider the acceptability of hunting. Three clusters of motives defining distinctive hunting motivational orientations were identified: action/harvest, management/care, and natural and social encounters. The general public ascribed action/harvest motives to hunters more than hunters did. In a policy perspective, if hunters’ motives are misperceived, improved dialog may be needed to protect the legitimacy of recreational hunting.     

Red deer in New Zealand: Game animal,economic resource or environmental pest?

The 150‐year history of red deer in New Zealand reflects changing relations between people and introduced animals and has involved recreational, environmental and commercial hunting. Hunters initially pursued red deer for recreation then for environmental control before the animals were subsumed into society's economic processes. After 1930, they were regarded as environmental pests and hunting was open to all. Commercial hunting started after World War II, when economic value redefined the relationship between red deer and people. Relations between people and red deer continued to evolve as New Zealanders generated progressively more refined understandings of nature and the place of introduced species in this country's diverse environments.     

A Travel Cost Study of Duck Hunting in the Upper South East of South Australia

Wetlands in the Upper South East (USE) of South Australia yield a range of values to their owners and to the wider community. One such value is that generated by duck hunting in the region. Wetland owners receive private benefits from hunting fees, while hunters gain a non-monetary consumers' surplus. These non-monetary benefits received by duck hunters through their enjoyment of hunting in wetlands are the primary focus of this paper. In order to estimate these values, a 'travel cost' survey of duck hunters participating in an organised shoot held by Wetlands and Wildlife in February 2000 was undertaken. The extent of the private recreation benefits so estimated is assessed in terms of their potential to stimulate the provision of wetlands for both private and social benefits.     

The Limits of Economic Benefits: Adding Social Affordances to the Analysis of Trophy Hunting of the Khwe and Ju/’hoansi in Namibian Community-Based Natural Resource Management

In the global neoliberal ecological discourse, trophy hunting proponents often articulate the economic benefits it creates for local communities, especially through jobs and meat. Trophy hunting revenues are also crucial to support the overall operational costs of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM). The aim of this paper is to show that this rather simplified dominant discourse, based only on “benefits”, sells short the local realities of the Khwe and Ju/’hoansi Bushmen (San) in the Bwabwata National Park and the Nyae Nyae Conservancy, Namibia, respectively. Building on Gibson, I use the concept of “social affordances” as an addition to economic benefits. This leads me to argue for an expansion of the debate beyond the limits of economic benefits to the human domain, to better understand the multiple experiences, perceptions, power relations and meanings (for good and ill) of local actors on trophy hunting and its main players.     

Oakes Bay 1: A Preliminary Reconstruction of a Labrador Inuit Seal Hunting Economy in the Context of Climate Change

Geografisk Tidsskrift—Danish Journal of Geography 110(2):245–259, 2010

This paper presents results of recent archaeological research at the site of Oakes Bay 1 (HeCg-08), on Dog Island, Labrador, dated from the late 17th to late 18th century. Analyses of faunal remains provide a means of reconstructing the site's subsistence economy. The site's inhabitants practiced a very consistent mode of hunting throughout this time period, depending heavily on adult ringed seals taken on the fast ice in winter and spring. Juvenile ringed seals, taken at the ice edge in the spring were a secondary resource. A lack of evidence for the hunting of harp seals in the fall and of ringed seal pups in late spring suggests that the site had a relatively short season of occupation. The consistent pattern of hunting through time suggests that the impacts of climatic variability on Inuit subsistence in the Nain region were relatively limited, moderated by their capacity for mobility on the sea ice rather than by whole scale changes in hunting practices and species choice. The Oakes Bay 1 site presents an example of a different subsistence economy than that seen at other recently examined sites in Labrador, suggesting that the impacts of the so-called Little Ice Age were not global or uniform.     

Card-carrying hunters, rural poverty, and wildlife decline in northern Côte d'Ivoire

This paper examines wildlife decline in northern Côte d'Ivoire with emphasis on the political-economic and cultural dimensions of market hunting. Hunting and the trade in wild animal meat are situated within the economic diversification strategies of impoverished farmers and the flourishing of hunter associations. The role of hunter associations is critical in the rise in the number of hunters and firearms in the case study area of Kakoli. Initiation into the national hunters' association, Binkadi, allows card-carrying members to bear arms without legal repercussions. Higher quality arms and rural poverty motivate many of these recruits to engage in market hunting. Game market surveys for 1981–82 and 1997–99 in Kakoli show tremendous pressure on both vulnerable and robust species alike. Game depletion is conceptualized as the outcome of interacting social and biophysical processes that produce hunting pressure and habitat change. By drawing attention to the political-economic, ecological, and cultural dimensions of wildlife decline, this study implicates a diversity of actors and institutions in the dynamics of game depletion.     

Inuit spring hunting techniques and local knowledge of the ringed seal in Arctic Bay (Ikpiarjuk), Nunavut

Inuit hunting techniques used to catch ringed seals ( Phoca hispida ) were observed April-June 1993 on the land-fast ice of Admiralty Inlet, Nunavut, and adjoining fjords and bays. In addition, a survey of hunting techniques and knowledge of ringed seal biology and behaviour was conducted in the community of Arctic Bay (Ikpiarjuk), Nunavut, January-February 1994. A total of 246 seal structures were found in 31 days of hunting and 34 successful kills were observed. An experienced Inuk hunter found subnivean structures by sight, by walking on drifts and by probing snowdrifts with a harpoon ( unaaq ). Most structures were found using subtle visual cues. Breaking through the roof of a lair was the most common hunting technique observed in this study. Pups captured in this manner were subsequently used to lure the mother back into the breathing hole where she was harpooned. Ringed seals were also hunted by a number of other methods that have been described previously in the literature. Respondents in the hunter survey indicated that the ringed seal was the most important animal used by Arctic Bay Inuit. They also reported a variety of biological findings about ringed seals including: size differences among seals in different regions of the pack ice; that adult male ringed seals ( tiggak ) emitted a strong, mustelid-like odour from December until late May or early June. Hunters also reported that males were occasionally caught when coming to retrieve pups. All respondents reported seeing increasing frequencies of liver abnormalities in their ringed seal catches.