International boundaries and territorial stability in the Middle East: an assessment

International boundaries in the Middle East are less likely to represent a major source of international stress than is generally perceived. Formal treaties exist for 80% of the regions' land boundaries and current political processes seem to be working in favour of the status quo and territorial stability. Regarding maritime boundaries, over 60 such issues have yet to be delimited throughout the region. Of these, the major maritime boundary disputes are concentrated in the Persian Gulf, while the boundary between Greece and Turkey remains a focus of regional conflict in the Mediterranean Basin. Although the function of international boundaries are changing, the delimitation process can be expected to continue in the Middle East. Given political will to resolve problems of delimitation, the ultimate demarcation of boundaries should progress without serious conflict between states in the region.     

New borders for new world orders: territorialities at the fin-de-siecle

After decades of relative silence, the study of frontiers and boundaries is resuming a prominent place in political geography. The impetus for the revival of limology (border studies) comes from the global context of a post-Cold War order, which has led to challenges to existing political arrangements, and from the identity turn in human geography and related disciplines. The study of frontiers and borders needs to be integrated into the main theories of the discipline. World-system theory, long criticized for its lack of a territorial footing, offers an opportunity for extension of its three geographic scales (world-economy, nation-state and locality) to incorporate two newly-emerging spatial dimensions at the macro-regional (bloc) and sub-national levels. Global and geopolitical trends, as well as shifting identities at national and sub-national scales, are reviewed and their effects on the changing scales of territoriality are reviewed. A geographic model illustrating the shifting and overlapping nature of borders is developed based on the contemporary developments in Eastern Europe. The case of contemporary Ukraine, as an example of state-and nation-building, shows these geopolitical changes as complex and dynamic. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

A controversial natural border: The making of the Spanish-Portuguese boundary along the Minho River (1855–1866)

The paper intends to consider how territorial, political and legal culture dominant within mid-19th century Iberian Peninsula influenced boundary-making state practices, and to what extent a complex understanding of natural border areas -and particularly of river boundaries- emerged during this demarcation process. We draw on recent insights about, on the one hand, the important link between territory, nature and law within territorialization processes and state-making and, on the other, intrinsic problems of modern legal categories and juridical practices concerning river boundaries which are argued to be part of territorial ideologies associated with modern states.Within this framework, the paper initially addresses main practices and discourses about territory in this particular Iberian context, regarding both the enduring relevance of theory of natural boundaries within European history of modern state-making and legal codification of river boundaries delimitation by Spanish and Portuguese law internationalists. The following part of the paper presents main historical problems and territorial border disputes along the Minho River which the 1864 Spanish-Portuguese Boundary Treaty attempted to settle. Discussions and negotiations taking place within the Joint Boundary Commissions in charge of examining, delimiting and demarcating this stretch of the border are analysed as to consider how diverging interest and competing discourses about this fluvial space were displayed and related eventually to the solutions adopted by the Boundary Treaty. In that sense, state-driven boundary-making proved to be an important tool for territorial management of this border space.     

Scaling Caribbean (in)dependence

Recently there has been much ado about the territorial implications of globalization. Geographers have made a significant contribution to these debates, pointing to the tension between forces of deterritorialization and those of re-territorialization. In particular, there is a growing body of work in political and economic geography that draws attention to processes of re-scaling where, at the same time as scales such as the nation-state appear threatened, new scales of economic, political and social regulation emerge. Much of this literature, however, focuses on the ability of already powerful states to re-scale their activities and manage the border crossing abilities of global capital. In this paper I examine the process of supra-national regional integration in the Caribbean as an example of re-scaling and re-territorialization in a post-colonial context. I draw attention to the historic permeability of Caribbean states and argue regionalism in the Caribbean needs to be viewed as part of a longer process of defining economic, political and cultural independence in what, for post-colonial states, has always been an interdependent world economy. This analysis suggests that while new scales can be understood as spatialized attempts to manage changing global economics, they are also ambivalent productions, and as such, sites of resistance as well as domination and regulation.     

Contested terrains: Cities and hinterlands in post-apartheid boundary delimitations

In South Africa attempts are being made to address the socio-spatial distortions of the apartheid era through a more equitable distribution of resources, and the re-drawing of municipal geographical boundaries. However, boundaries are not neutral geographic lines. Boundary changes are often associated with a redistribution of political power and resources. The aim of this paper is to analyse the effects of the contemporary territorial and administrative restructuring on urban dynamics in South Africa. More specifically, the focus is on how the process of territorial restructuring impacted on metropolitan areas as well as on secondary cities and their hinterlands. Examining and elucidating the manner in which various social, economic and political forces have manifested themselves in the process of boundary delimitation in a major metropolitan centre as well as adjacent rural areas is a central theme of this paper. There were considerable contestations over the delimitation of new local government boundaries. Affluent metro authorities like that in Durban were opposed to the spatial extension of their boundaries because of the costs of the providing services and infrastructure in the deprived margins. Similarly, there was concern that incorporation of rural areas will result in increased municipal service charges being imposed on these communities. Tensions were heightened between urban and rural regions because traditional leaders believed that their territorial jurisdiction and authority were being undermined. In other parts of the country, the merger of traditionally white and black fragments of secondary cities often resulted in many black locations continuing to be marginalized. There appears to be neither the political will nor the economic capacity to upgrade these zones of marginalized urban communities. While the Municipal Demarcation Board was largely successful in eliminating the political geography of apartheid at a macro- scale, this paper suggests that the greater challenge for government and policy makers is to reduce the socio-spatial and economic inequalities which appears to be still very high and perhaps increasing. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Problematising justice definitions in public food security debates: Towards global and participative food justices

In the current environment of austerity, social justice concerns are increasingly permeating the food security agenda. However, there is a need to clarify what it means to create socially just food systems conceptually and practically. To address this gap, this paper proposes an analytical framework to embed a more complex conceptualisation of justice in food security debates that also serves as a bridging device across competing narratives. This framework is mobilised to analyse the framing process of the UK media, which plays a key role in developing narratives that provide audiences with schemas for interpreting events. Results show the emergence of eleven frames which highlight different solutions to deliver food security. The application of the justice analytical framework evidences the contingent relationship between food security and justice claims and discusses how these food security frames address differently what counts as a matter of justice (including economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions) and who counts as a subject of justice, tackling issues around delimitation of scales and sites of justice. The analysis reveals polarised positions between whether the sites subject to justice should be individuals or structures and uncovers how political and global elements of justice are largely by-passed in food security debates. These conceptualisations of justice and associated policy recommendations neglect the potential for people to participate fully in the conditions and decisions that give rise to particular distributions of goods and bads in the first place; limiting the construction of shared responsibilities to deliver global and participative food justices.     

Geo-environmental mapping using physiographic analysis: constraints on the evaluation of land instability and groundwater pollution hazards in the Metropolitan District of Campinas,Brazil

Geo-environmental terrain assessments and territorial zoning are useful tools for the formulation and implementation of environmental management instruments (including policy-making, planning, and enforcement of statutory regulations). They usually involve a set of procedures and techniques for delimitation, characterisation and classification of terrain units. However, terrain assessments and zoning exercises are often costly and time-consuming, particularly when encompassing large areas, which in many cases prevent local agencies in developing countries from properly benefiting from such assessments. In the present paper, a low-cost technique based on the analysis of texture of satellite imagery was used for delimitation of terrain units. The delimited units were further analysed in two test areas situated in Southeast Brazil to provide estimates of land instability and the vulnerability of groundwater to pollution hazards. The implementation incorporated procedures for inferring the influences and potential implications of tectonic fractures and other discontinuities on ground behaviour and local groundwater flow. Terrain attributes such as degree of fracturing, bedrock lithology and weathered materials were explored as indicators of ground properties. The paper also discusses constraints on- and limitations of- the approaches taken.     

煤炭国家规划矿区管理及与煤炭矿区辨析

针对煤炭国家规划矿区与煤炭矿区易混淆不清问题,基于相关标准和通知,详细解读了煤炭国家规划矿区和煤炭矿区的定义,梳理了第一、二批煤炭国家规划矿区和《全国矿产资源规划（2016-2020年）》划定的煤炭国家规划矿区基本情况,并从划定目的、划定依据和形成时段等方面详细阐述了二者的区别。指明煤炭国家规划矿区划定主管部门是自然资源部,划定主要目的是控制矿权设置,规范矿业权管理;煤炭矿区划定主管部门是国家发展改革委,划定目的主要是为生产开发做准备。在未来煤炭国家规划矿区管理工作中,建议加强煤炭规划矿区基本理论、划定标准及规划矿区内矿产资源与环境影响等方面的研究。      

地下水污染风险预警等级及阈值确定方法研究综述

预警等级及阈值的科学确定对地下水污染风险预警系统的建立起着至关重要的作用。当前我国地下水污染风险预警相关研究尚处在探索阶段,未形成科学完备的理论与方法体系。文章基于国内外已有研究报道,较系统地梳理了地下水污染风险预警相关研究,归纳总结了预警等级及阈值确定方法的研究现状,并对进一步研究做了展望。目前阈值主要的划定方法有相关标准法、临界值法、综合评判法等。相关标准法适用于大尺度宏观区域,临界值法在基础资料较完善的研究区域具有较强的针对性和准确性,而综合评判法能够处理多个变量因素,能对定性因素做出量化评价,适用于变量、定性因素较多的研究区域,为不同条件研究区地下水污染风险预警等级划分及阈值划定方法的选择提供了理论依据。最后指出在完善我国地下水污染风险预警体系理论方法的工作中,应当进一步关注:（1）多学科研究成果的交叉渗透,借助多方法交互应用;（2）加强与地下水污染相关的水文地质调查与监测工作,不断提高地下水污染调查研究程度;（3）综合分析地质、污染源、地下水价值及动态等地下水污染影响因素,以提高预警结果科学性。     

From heartland to hegemony: Changing the world in political Geography

The heartland theory in political geography is compared with recent uses of the hegemony concept to order international relations. Both sets of ideas are described in terms of the basic content of their models, the context in which they were created, and the political contest that they prioritize. It is found that both models represent academic attempts to advise the political elites of declining major powers on how to cope with a changing world. In the final section a synthesis of the models is presented.     

数值模拟方法在隐伏岩溶水源地保护区划分及污染治理中的应用

文章以北京市东南郊大兴迭隆起隐伏岩溶水子系统内的两个水源地（大兴念坛水源地与通州龙旺庄水源地）为例,研究数值模拟方法在隐伏岩溶地下水水源地保护区划分中的应用。研究基础为基于GMS建立的包括第四系与岩溶含水层在内的三维非稳定流地下水数值模拟模型,采用的主要技术手段为质点追踪技术,结合溶质质点迁移100 d与1 000 d的距离划分水源地的一级与二级保护区,并提出相应的污染防控措施。研究得出,对于隐伏岩溶水大部分来自上覆第四系松散孔隙水越流补给的情况,岩溶水源地保护区即是上覆松散含水层的保护区范围,应加强第四系孔隙含水层地下水污染的防治,以保护岩溶水不受污染。      

Destabilizing the identity–territory nexus: Rights-based discourse in Sri Lanka’s new political geography

This paper describes the changing discourses of territory in Sri Lanka and their utility in conflict relations. The primordial homeland has been at the center of Sri Lanka’s armed struggle, in which both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalisms have used claims of ancient and ethnically determined territories to justify their right to self-determination, territorial sovereignty, and armed struggle. This identity–territory nexus based on historical argument has been destabilized in Sri Lanka, however. Scholarly findings suggest that historical linkages between ethnicity and territory in Sri Lanka are highly problematic and are no longer effectual means for adjudicating territorial desires in Sri Lanka and producing stable homelands. I argue that rights-based territorial discourses have emerged to enhance the old historical justifications for territorial authority. New narratives based upon fulfilling or denying human rights have been put to work linking authority to territory based upon moral fitness and unfitness, political legitimacy and illegitimacy, and ultimately, upon which political actor deserves to rule the territorially bound population under its control. The first part of the paper examines historical narratives linking national homelands to identity as well as scholarly work that deconstructs this linkage. In part two, external sovereignty and political legitimacy are discussed as the starting point for understanding how rights-based discourses justify territorial claims. In part three, accusations related to human rights violations are described as an important vehicle for shaming political adversaries, undermining their legitimacy, and making and unmaking territorial claims in Sri Lanka.     

Changes and patterns of origin regions of international tourism

The dramatic political and economic changes in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East during the early 1990s have had a dramatic impact on international tourism. Between 1974 and 1990 there have been significant shifts in international tourist originations. The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the changing patterns and to compare the two time periods. A key component of the study is the construction of a Population-Adjusted Travel Index which assesses the capability of a country to generate tourists relative to population characteristics. Findings indicate that Europe is still the leader in trips generated, even though the proportion from this region is declining over time. Asian countries exhibited the most marked improvement due primarily to the tremendous economic expansion taking place on the Pacific Rim. In contrast countries of the Middle East have declined in importance relative to international tourism. This is due to political and economic instability in the region.     

Boundaries and transborder relations,or the hole in the prison wall: On the necessity of superfluous limits and boundaries

Boundaries can be seen as barriers or as places of contact. It has been suggested that we are “prisoners of borders”, of all kinds of borders (political, religious, social, cultural, linguistic etc.). While this statement appears to be somewhat exaggerated, it holds some truth. Boundaries are elements in spatial organization, and they influence daily life in many ways (not only for people living right along them). The paper addresses the question if we must call ourselves “prisoners” or if we simply have to live with all kinds of borders. Departing from theoretical observations, the paper discusses the various aspects boundaries assume in the European context before looking at a few concrete Swiss examples. They reveal that even regions at a certain distance of the state border will feel its effects (the case of Zurich airport), but the most important benefit can been drawn by people living in the border area itself (through price differences between the two countries, as exemplified by the Swiss-Italian border). There may be asymmetry on state borders, but this asymmetry can also swing around: the advantages often lie on both sides. The paper concludes by pointing to the persistence of the boundary concept. They are a necessity for the organization of space and society, but they are not absolute. There are always holes in these prison walls, and the examples where boundaries were impermeable are probably rare.     

Double transformation at the eastern border of the EU: the case of the Euroregion pro Europa Viadrina

One of the major means to foster European integration is the establishment of border spanning regions (‘Euroregions’). This is particularly important on the Eastern borders of the EU, e.g. in Eastern Germany. There, however, a double transformation to post-socialist society is taking place, both inside and outside the EU. Tensions arise between objectives on local and higher political levels, intensified by totally different economic structures and access to EU funds on both sides of the border. This is particularly true for the case of the emerging Euroregion Viadrina. Problems in preserving old industrialised localities in East Germany (e.g. steel) and attempts to resurrect the urban fair place Frankfurt/Oder, clash with transition in agriculture and consumer industries and with new concepts in tourism development and environmental protection in the Polish border zone. In region building, political, economic and ideological goals compete with each other. Local initiatives and higher political governance may both support and hamper each other. The same holds true for the interdependence of cultural integration and economic development. The paper concludes that regional economic development can only be expected if, via the building of the Euroregion, the interplay of these factors leads to compromise and harmonization between the different parties involved. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

War and the commons: Assessing the changing politics of violence, access and entitlements in Sri Lanka

There are two antagonistic, but equally influential traditions in the study of the nexus between resource use and violent conflict. One works through a Malthusian frame linking resource scarcity with violence, the other school of thought establishes a nexus between resource abundance and the incentives to use violence for rent monopolisation in a political economy of war or markets of violence. The tacit essentialism inherent in both schools of thought has increasingly come under critical scrutiny by geographers and anthropologists. To escape such essentialism requires a more detailed study of the dynamism of the political economy of (civil) war and its spatial dynamics, the political geographies of violence. In this paper, we study endowments and entitlements of people depending on common-pool or open-access resources in war-affected areas of Sri Lanka. Rural spaces in the war-affected areas became both a strategic retreat for fighters and an important common-pool resource on which a large part of the rural populace depended for their survival. Our research illustrates how the political geographies of war affect access regimes and entitlements to common-pool resources and thereby confine the livelihood opportunities of resource users. These dynamics of the political economy of war cross different scales and go beyond simple place-based struggles, for they are rooted in broader spatial dynamics of warfare creating place-space tensions in the sense that spatial dynamics of military control impinge changing access regimes upon specific places.     

网络信息空间的城市地理学研究：综述与展望

20世纪90年代,互联网飞速发展,不仅深刻地影响了我们的社会系统和经济结构,同时也重构了全球城市的物理和虚拟空间结构形式。近几年,在西方发达国家,网络信息空间的相关研究已经成为多学科研究的热点,有关城市网络信息空间的地理学研究也不断涌现。从技术与经济的角度入手,在已有文献资料基础上,对西方地理学界关于网络信息空间与城市发展的研究进展进行了评述。首先界定网络信息空间的概念及其相对于物理空间的各种特征,然后总结城市学者研究网络信息空间的几种理论方法,并从三个空间层次分别评述现有的实证研究成果。在此基础上,对网络信息空间的测量方法和关于城市地理学的研究内容进行了进一步展望。     

“Blind passes” and the production of green security through violence on the Guatemalan border

Guatemalan protected areas have been sites for genocidal massacres, drug trafficking landing strips, and remilitarized “states of emergency,” but these activities are rarely considered in relation to conservation practices. This paper employs a political ecology approach to analyze interpellations of transboundary spaces as security threats, arguing that threat narratives produce insecurity in conservation spaces. Instead of assuming the primacy of neoliberalism in producing protected areas as sites of violence in the service of capitalism, the analysis traces the changing meanings of security in relation to Guatemala’s borderlands, from Cold War National Security Doctrine to discourses of citizen security in the twenty-first century Drug War. It is in the unmanned “blind passes” (pasos ciegos) of the Guatemalan–Mexican border, rendered as insecure spaces through the state’s putative absence, that policing paradoxically seeks to ensure “citizen security” through violence.     

Cultural and social dimensions of borderlands: The case of the Italo-Slovene trans-border area

The article represents an attempt to explore the dimensions of border landscapes on the basis of some recent theoretical and methodological geographical trends in approaching such kind of regions and in the case of a special part of the current Italo-Slovene transborder area — the Gorizia section. Here, the contradiction between the stability of trans-border cultural and social links and the lability of the political partition seems to be particularly sharp. As a consequence, the border population try to reproduce the traditional spatial and social milieu in which it used to live before changes in international political framework occurred. Field methods for the detection of local social and cultural trans-border relations are then introduced, disclosing both the extent and qualities of the Gorizia trans-border region.