不均衡的跨国人口流动：对美墨移民历程与政策的思考

美国是全球最大的移民接收国,墨西哥是美国最大的移民来源国,特殊的地缘关系和巨大的发展差距使众多墨西哥人移民美国。墨裔移民为美国提供了充足的劳动力,在美墨边境地区,移民集聚带动了两国边境地区的发展。但族裔矛盾始终是美国主要社会问题之一,特别是“9·11”事件后,少数族裔和非法移民问题加剧美国社会分裂和对立,成为美国国内政治博弈的焦点。基于区域地缘关系的视角来看,美国与墨西哥之间长期不对等的国际关系决定了跨国移民的流入状态和生存境遇,也是美国族群矛盾的主要原因之一。移民问题政治化将持续强化墨裔移民政策的不确定性,使移民个人与家庭面临更大的融入困难。     

Distancing Asylum Seekers from the State: Australia's evolving political geography of immigration and border control

Australia's border enforcement strategies and immigration control policies operate in distant geographies, concealed from human rights groups, media and the public. From offshore detention to militarised maritime defence operations, Australia's exclusion of asylum seekers is increasingly dependent upon geographical processes that ensure asylum seekers do not have access to the state's systems of protection. This article explores a critically overlooked geopolitical strategy of mobility regulation that relies on processes simultaneously expanding geographies of control, while contracting spaces of rights. The outcome of these rapidly evolving bordering practices is the exaggeration of the distance separating asylum seekers from the state, suspending them within a space devoid of an operational system of rights, and emphasising a new and restructured maritime legal geography.     

Doors and fences: Controlling Indonesia's porous borders and policing asylum seekers

Although the partial outsourcing of state border control to non‐state actors is not a new phenomenon, Indonesia is an interesting case study. Border control in an archipelago consisting of more than 17 000 islands is particularly challenging for state authorities. In addition to contending with the exceptional geography, Indonesia's state authorities are also challenged by the political constellation with Australia in regard to irregular cross‐border movements of asylum seekers that has become a controversial issue in recent history. As an important transit country for asylum seekers and refugees en route to Australia, Indonesia's porous borders have rendered it possible to enter and exit the country relatively easily. Given Australia's political pressure and the financial incentives offered to Indonesia to act as a ‘final bulwark’ and control irregular migration flows more effectively, border control nowadays has gained more significance in Indonesia than in the past. Yet, financial constraints and, more importantly, a lack of political will to host asylum seekers in its own territories for the long term remain as obstacles. Fieldwork observations show that due to ongoing funding restrictions for state‐led border control, state‐society cooperation for border surveillance has increased. Civilians in many hotspots for irregular border crossings have been encouraged to report on ‘suspicious foreigners’. State‐society cooperation for border control, however, offers new opportunities for people smugglers to pay off civilian spies or corrupt border authorities.     

Austerity urbanism and the promise of immigrant- and refugee-centered urban revitalization in the US Rust Belt

Recent urban studies research emphasizes the unevenness of local responses to immigration in the United States and the emergence of economic development-focused inclusionary initiatives as a response to neoliberal downscaling in the Rust Belt. Scholars also highlight the impact of austerity urbanism – the deepening of neoliberal urbanism – in Rust Belt cities following the 2007–2008 financial crisis, noting its potential to produce progressive activism. This article considers the relationship between downscaling, austerity urbanism, and immigration activism in the Rust Belt by analyzing economic revitalization narratives within a regional consortium of inclusionary initiatives. My findings underscore the incongruities and compromises encompassed by welcoming coalitions operating in the age of austerity. Some local actors are motivated by growth agendas but affirm inclusionary values toward immigrants and refugees to substantiate them. Other actors are motivated by social justice agendas but cite the economic benefits of immigration to garner support from other factions.     

The Impact of U.S. Government Antiterrorism Policies on Canada‐U.S. Cross‐Border Commerce: An Exploratory Study from Western New York and Southern Ontario

This article examines the extant and potential impact of U.S. antiterrorism policies on Canada‐U.S. cross‐border commerce. Particular attention is focused on the cross‐border trade that takes place between southern Ontario (Canada) and western New York (United States). Evidence from a survey of Canadian and U.S. exporters suggests that U.S. antiterrorism measures have inflated the business costs of exporters on both sides of the border. These measures have also created shipment delays that ultimately imply lost revenues for producers, as well as higher prices for consumers. Security‐related initiatives motivated by a genuine concern for the well‐being of U.S. citizens may nevertheless act as nontariff barriers to bilateral trade. We argue that a potential long‐run consequence of these additional costs is trade diversion. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the implications of the empirical findings for the geography of Canada‐U.S. bilateral trade.     

Singled Out: Scaling Violence and Social Groups as Legal Borderwork in U.S. Asylum Law

Through legal interpretation of immigration categories, such as the refugee definition, signatories to the UN Refugee Convention restrict access to political asylum. This paper examines how scalar logics are used in legal interpretation to filter out particular people from national space and control the number legally entitled to enter and remain in the U.S. Scalar logics shape access by requiring asylum seekers to prove they have been ‘singled out’ for persecution and by steering the meaning of the ‘particular social group’ provision of the refugee definition. The restrictive effects of these scalar logics are analyzed in relation to case law involving Central American asylum seekers fleeing gang‐related violence. These cases are often rejected on the basis that the asylum seekers possess identities and experiences exceeding the limited protection offered by asylum. Through analysis of these scalar logics, the paper highlights how interpretations of the refugee definition are an ongoing site of struggle over the scope of asylum protection.     

移民对中国在美国直接投资的影响研究

基于中国对美国各州的移民和直接投资数据,运用重心模型分析得出：美国华人移民的人口重心和集聚重心均向东北方向移动,中国对美国直接投资的重心变化区域也位于美国东、中部地区,二者在空间上的重叠性和耦合性日益增强。进而运用灰色关联法实证华人移民对中国在美国直接投资的影响处于中等水平,且影响长期稳定。     

缅孟边境罗兴亚难民的人口学特征及其对区域地缘政治关系的影响

基于联合国难民署的动态监测数据,对2018年1月至2020年9月期间的缅孟边境罗兴亚难民人口规模、人口结构及其对区域地缘政治关系的影响进行分析。研究表明：1）缅孟边境罗兴亚难民规模大且呈不断增长的态势;女性难民多于男性,难民年龄结构趋于年轻型,以18岁以下的未成年人为主,青壮年难民占总人口比重次之且增长快速;在空间分布上表现出典型的“距缅孟边境的距离衰变规律”,即难民营地向西部扩张,难民规模呈现自东向西递减的分布规律。2）罗兴亚难民的人口规模及结构对区域地缘政治关系产生了显著影响。一是深刻影响着缅甸的民主化进程;二是对缅孟边境安全形成挑战,导致缅孟关系趋于紧张;三是引发了多地缘行为体的介入与关注,进而引发了围绕难民问题的地缘政治博弈,导致东盟内部的分化及其地缘政治的外溢效应。3）相较于部分西方国家及国际组织,中国提出的“三步走”解决方案符合缅孟两国的实际情况,在中缅孟联合工作组机制下,罗兴亚难民问题正朝着合作共商的道路积极推进解决。     

The Variegated Landscape of Local Immigration Policies in the United States

Hundreds of municipalities and counties across the United States have proposed or implemented immigration policies at the local level, ranging from "sanctuary" policies to those designed to exclude undocumented immigrants. Data collected on these policies are presented, and statistically analyzed at the municipal level to interrogate existing hypotheses about factors driving these policy decisions. Municipalities experiencing rapid growth of their foreign-born population and with a high percentage of owner-occupied housing are more likely to introduce exclusionary policies, whereas municipalities with better educated populations are more likely to adopt inclusionary policies. The location of municipalities in the U.S. South and outside central cities is also associated with exclusionary policies. Textual analysis of policy documents for selected municipalities provides insight into why similarly located places adopt contrasting policies. Local ordinances reflect contrasting local imaginaries of race, nation, and place.     

略论美国小都市区

在美国预算与管理总署于2000年推出的核心基础统计区（CBSA）里,首次出现了小都市统计区概念,成为与大都市统计区概念并列的的一个新城市化发展衡量标尺。小都市区概念能够扩充人们对非大都市区内在多样性的认识,增强对美国整体城市化水平的了解,其应用到实际,就是美国本土都市区地域面积首次超过农村地区,标志着美国城市化已进入全方位发展阶段。     

Welcome to Woodside: Inverbrackie Alternative Place of Detention and performances of belonging in Woodside,South Australia,and Australia

Alternative Places of Detention (APODs) are a new way of detaining asylum seekers in Australia. The establishment of APODs creates a new formal structure of belonging in Australia which challenges everyday practices of belonging and senses of belonging at the local and national scale. This paper examines practices of belonging which emerged following the establishment of the Inverbrackie APOD in Woodside, South Australia. Using a critical discourse analysis approach, informed by the insights of theories of performativity, this research explores the competing stories of two broadly defined groups (opponents and supporters of Inverbrackie) engaged in a dialogue about asylum seekers, refugees, immigration detention and belonging. While opposition to the APOD was vocal and frequent in the lead-up to the establishment of the detention centre, once the Inverbrackie APOD became operational opponents’ voices began to fade. On the other hand, supporters continued to say things—and more importantly continued to do things—to nurture belonging for asylum seekers in Inverbrackie, Woodside, and Australia.     

美国出口管制政策调整与中国香港贸易地理结构演变

以1997年中国香港回归为时间节点,从总贸易和高技术产品贸易两个维度,区分短期和长期效应,研究美国加强出口管制对中国香港贸易地理结构的影响。研究发现：出口管制政策在短期抑制了中国香港从美国的进口贸易增长,阻碍了香港对内地的高技术输出贸易;在长期致使中国香港对美国高新技术的依赖程度逐步减弱,对其他未对港设限国家的技术依赖明显增强。中国香港的进出口贸易地理集中度明显增强。美国在中国香港的贸易地理地位呈现大幅下滑。内地在香港的贸易地理地位得到显著提升。     

International refugees: a geographical perspective

In the modern era, the world's refugee problem has changed magnitude and location; it has expanded from a local to a continental, and now global, scale issue. About 90% of the world's 10 million refugees are from developing countries, and over 90% of these will stay there. Refugee generating and receiving countries are concentrated in 5 world regions: Central America, Southwest Asia, Southeast Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Each concentration is unique and is associated with a particular set of regional conflicts. International efforts address short-term relief needs, whereas political instability and repression that generate refugees continue unabated. Refugees along sensitive border regions affect bilateral relations, large groups of refugees can pose political and security problems for the host country, and disputes over refugee policies and their implementation can complicate diplomatic ties. Some highlights of the data follow. 1) The 3 million cross-border refugees and 5.5 million internally displaced persons make the many governments in Sub-Saharan Africa increasingly dependent on Western assistance to solve their problems. Refugees are fleeing armed conflict, tribal violence, and drought, and often generate additional regional turmoil. 2) 3-4 million Afghans have fled their country since the 1978 Marxist coup; about 2.5 million have entered Pakistan. Most choose to remain in camps near the Afghanistan border where they are targets of cross-border attacks. 3) 1.2 million Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Nicaraguans live outside their native countries. Official refugee and unofficial migrant populations are active in various rebel insurgencies, contribute to strained bilateral relations and tensions in border areas, and are the subject of heated political debate in host countries. 4) 90% of the 1.7 million Indochinese who fled from 1975-May 1986 have been resettled; 168,000 refugees remain in 1st-asylum camps, not including 240,000 Khmer without refugee status, in temporary camps in Thailand. Thailand's large refugee population is involved in factional strife, smuggling, and guerrilla activities. The Thai are particularly concerned about Hmong refugees, who are accused of opium cultivation and destruction of Thai forests through slash-and-burn cultivation. 5) Nearly 62% of the thousands of present Vietnamese refugees to Hong Kong have been in camps 3 years, and 17% 6 years. Many have turned to crime, alcohol, drugs, or prostitution.     

Examining the Variability of Crossing Times for Canadian Trucks at the Three Major Canada–U.S. Border Crossings

Land borders connecting Canada and the United States are vital transportation facilities for the two countries. Truck crossing times at these facilities can have a significant impact on the performance of the economy. To date, knowledge about border crossing times has been limited due to lack of detailed data on the Canadian border. This article explores and models the patterns of crossing times at the three major land crossings connecting Canada to the United States: Ambassador Bridge, Blue Water Bridge, and Peace Bridge. The analysis is based on 387,775 border crossing truck trips that were generated between Canada and the United States over a course of twelve months. Seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) models are estimated to evaluate the seasonal and hourly crossing times of Canada- and U.S.-bound trips on each border crossing, controlling for traffic intensity in the models. The SUR modeling approach is chosen to control for potential cross-model correlations. The results suggest that crossing times at the border vary by season and hour of the day. Crossing times also vary by direction of traffic and by type of day (i.e., weekday vs. weekend). Traffic intensity has a significant influence on crossing times at two of the crossings but not the Blue Water Bridge. Finally, crossing times are more variable during the summer season and tend to be higher during the late evening hours and past midnight.     

IDENTITY AND SPACE: THE CASE OF TURKISH AMERICANS*

ABSTRACT. Until recently, Muslim Americans have often been overlooked in studies on immigration, ethnicity, and race. Their loyalty to America and their integration into the larger culture have frequently been questioned by the media, and academia's interest has mostly been limited to establishing links between Muslims, fundamentalism, and terrorism. Muslim American experiences‐their social, political, and cultural institutions and spaces in the United States‐have drawn little attention from geographers. But stereotypes play an important role in intergroup relations and public‐policy making. Thus, it is important to understand Muslim ethnic‐group experiences of immigration and their place‐making activities in the United States. Based on research in the greater New York metropolitan area, this study explores one facet of the Muslim experience in the United States by investigating Turkish American identity‐construction spaces and their role in the preservation and reformation of Turkish American identity; that is, how these spaces emphasize and shape particular identities and discourage others.     

20世纪50年代前美国对南海的地缘认知演变

19世纪末20世纪初,美国成为世界第一大经济体,亟须开辟海外新市场。为了争夺当时被认为是潜在的“最大的世界市场”,美国侵占西班牙在南海东岸的殖民地菲律宾,将其作为进入中国市场的据点,这是美国对南海地缘的最初认知。在以后的30多年时间里,美国都没有染指南海,直到日本侵略东南亚。日本把东南亚纳入“大东亚共荣圈”,利用南海地缘优势攻击美军,使南海首次呈现重要的地缘战略价值。南海地缘的新变化促使美国重新认知南海。此后,随着“边缘地带论”的兴起,美国越发重视南海的地缘战略价值,并谋求为自己的国家利益服务。进入20世纪50年代,亚太形成了截然对立的以中国为首的社会主义阵营和以美国为首的资本主义阵营。遏制共产主义在亚太扩张成为美国推行霸权战略的总方针。这直接影响美国对南海的地缘战略认知,利用南海的地缘战略价值围堵遏制中国就成为美国对华政策的必然选项。     

避难国政策影响下的欧洲难民危机时空格局及迁移优化

欧洲是“一带一路”倡议的重点覆盖地域,是亚欧大陆经济走廊的重要组成,维护其地区安全稳定,排除干扰中欧两大市场合作互联的潜在安全隐患,对于“一带一路”倡议的稳固推进十分必要。基于地理学视角,考虑难民安置政策因素,采用灰色关联分析、层次分析、多目标规划等方法对2015-2017年欧洲难民危机时空演变过程及迁移格局优化进行分析。① 时空演化分析显示难民集中于2015年登陆欧洲,欧洲各国登陆难民、接收难民数量极化突出,双重失衡;② 灰色关联分析显示难民迁移决策具有福利优先、收入优先的导向,各国难民政策调整为迁移决策带来不确定性,既有迁移格局难以长期维持;③ 层次分析显示北欧西欧国家难民宜居性较高,东欧南欧国家宜居性相对较差,部分避难国承担安置难民数量与其宜居性不符;④ 多目标规划的优化格局显示,由于欧洲各国忽视全球化背景致使难民政策指向错误,迁移网络更加混乱失衡,优化后来自土耳其、乌克兰的难民迁移趋势向西欧集中,来自希腊、匈牙利的难民迁移趋势在空间上更加平均分散,来自意大利的难民迁移趋势向西欧南欧呈扇形分散。优化后迁移格局有助于缓解地区安全局势、为“一带一路”建设创造良好的政治、经济环境,平衡劳动力资源配置,为建设投资提供潜在市场。最后在研究结果的基础上提出若干协同合作调整难民迁移格局的危机缓解措施。     

Coal resources,production, and quality in the Eastern kentucky coal field: Perspectives on the future of steam coal production

The Eastern Kentucky coal field, along with adjacent portions of Virginia and southern West Virginia, is part of the greatest production concentration of high-heating-value, low-sulfur coal in the United States, accounting for over 27% of the 1993 U.S. production of coal of all ranks. Eastern Kentucky's production is spread among many coal beds but is particularly concentrated in a limited number of highquality coals, notably the Pond Creek coal bed and its correlatives, and the Fire Clay coal bed and its correlatives. Both coals are relatively low ash and low sulfur through the areas of the heaviest concentration of mining activity. We discuss production trends, resources, and the quality of in-place and clean coal for those and other major coals in the region.     

Borderland Lifeways in the American Exclave of Point Roberts,Washington

Point Roberts, Washington is a geographical anomaly that opens a window into the lived experience of borders. Created by the imposition of an antecedent geometric boundary on an undulating coastline, Point Roberts has transitioned from a resource extraction frontier to a summer tourist destination for Canadians to a transnational borderland that defies notions of the bounded state as the container for society. The community is defined by the international border, which both connects and isolates it. Point Roberts relies on a mixture of services from both countries and fills a unique transnational economic niche, reflecting the complementarity between rural and urban and the United States and Canada. Point Roberts is a hybrid borderland: a privileged exurb for U.S. citizens working in Vancouver, a U.S. service center for Canadians, and a seaside retirement community with pockets of isolation and neglect.     

东海问题的周边地缘环境解析

摘要：文章以东海问题的地“源”、地“原”为切入点,基于东海问题的地缘环境基础要素,从“地”-主体、“缘”-关联、“地缘”-主体关联的思维角度将东海周边的地缘环境结构划分为地缘主体（东海）、主体关联（域内争端国家）、区际主体关联（域外干涉国家）三种地理空间结构,对处于复杂国际关联体系之中的东海周边地缘环境作探索分析。结论如下：①从地缘主体来看,东海对于中日两国都具有极为重要的地缘战略、政治、经济意义;东海问题不仅包含海域划界问题,也包含钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿的主权问题,并且涉及的利益关联国家与地区较多,地缘环境相当复杂;②从主体关联来看,东海问题不仅仅是中日争端的问题,还牵涉到众多国家、集团、组织结构等“地缘”因素的相互博弈;中日在东海争端的演进过程中经历了多次的“冷”“暖”期徘徊却没有实质性进展。③从区际主体关联来看,美国是东海问题的主要干涉国家。美国为实现其“亚太战略”及利益,将其世界影响力牢牢嵌入到东海地缘环境中,严重威胁到中国主权领土完整以及海洋权益的维护。