Territories and identities in Jerusalem

Jerusalem is a city of many contrasts. It is a historical-symbolic city, revered by Muslims, Christians and Jews. However, its citizens segregate ethno-nationally, culturally and socially, into different identity groups: Jews and Arabs, Haredi (`ultra-Orthodox') and secular Jews, and lower and upper class socio-economic groups. This essay focuses on how political and social struggles over territories reshape the nature of the identities of four distinct groups in Jerusalem. These are ethno-national groups (Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs), cultural groups (ultra-Orthodox Jews, in Hebrew Haredim (zealots), and non-Orthodox Jews), ethno-social groups (disadvantaged groups mainly of oriental descent, in Hebrew Mizrahim and advantaged groups) and economic and ecological groups (the business sector and inhabitants of private residential areas of the city). Thus, long-term historical processes have produced distinct ethno-national, cultural and social identity groups, which occupy specific territories within Jerusalem. The different groups have endowed their territory with dissimilar geopolitical, cultural, and economic meanings and played a major role in the reconstruction of national, cultural, social and ecological identities in the city. The city of Jerusalem is not only a spiritual centre associated with age-long dreams for peace and justice, it is also a violent city, rife with tensions and conflicts, a symbol of national, cultural, economic and ecological struggles. Perhaps the greatest challenge facing all those concerned about its future is whether Jerusalem's universal image of a spiritual, tolerant and just city can overcome its current, particularistic and conflict ridden image.     

Jewish settlement and its economic impact on the West Bank, 1967–1987

This paper focuses on the process of Jewish settlement in the West Bank and its economic consequences in the period from 1967 to the outbreak of the Intifada late in 1987. It attempts to show that this process is the practical application of Israeli objectives which are based on expansion and occupation of neighbouring Arab lands, facilitated by the fashioning of a dual or bifurcate economy there.After the war of June 1967, Israeli occupation authorities started to draw up plans with a view to settling Jews in the West Bank. There has been an increase in the numbers of settlements and settlers, estimated at 122 and 52,000 respectively in 1987. The pattern of settlement distribution is randomly dispersed, although it is concentrated in a region located to the NW of Jerusalem. The settlement began in the Jordan valley and extended gradually westward in the highlands.Jewish settlement has affected economic development of the West Bank, where there were many constraints on Arab agriculture and industry. Inequality is evident between settlers and Palestinians in an economy that has been structurally bifurcated: although settlers represent about 3% of total population of the West Bank, their economic activity constitutes at least 35% of the GDP of the West Bank.     

Jerusalem – Figment of the imagination

Jewish tradition refers to the city of Jerusalem in both abstract and concrete terms, celestial Jerusalem and earthly Jerusalem. The two are intricately bound up with each other and Jerusalem, the eternal capital city of the Jewish people, derives its powerful mystique, from its original appearance in Jewish history, although Biblical Jerusalem, the ancient city surrounded by hills, and modern Jerusalem, the capital city of Israel, surrounded by satellite urban appendages, lack geographical congruity. In general, this is geo-politically relevant given the potent sensitivities that most Jews in Israel and elsewhere have for the symbolic value of their ancient capital. Significantly, most of the Arab inhabitants the capital city of Israel, are not Israeli citizens and the vast majority of them refuse to participate in municipal elections, even though Israeli law allows non-citizens who are permanent residents to vote in local elections. That Israel permits several countries to maintain separate consulates, in the western and eastern parts of Israel's capital, indicates Israel's implicit recognition of a dual status in Jerusalem. After the 1967 war, while careful to avoid using the formal language of annexation, Israel generally considered that east Jerusalem and some surrounding areas had become part of Israel, when by Basic Law: Jerusalem, the Capital City, it was declared to be the united and eternal capital of the State of Israel. This paper examines these political and legal developments.     

Ethnicity and geography in Jewish perspectives

It is said that the Jewish people has had a surfeit of history but not enough geography. Deprived of its independence, expelled from its homeland, and dispersed among other nations, Jewish communities internalized different socio-cultural manners and customs. Throughout history, Jewish leaders — political and rabbinical — expresssed various attitudes toward territoriality and political aspirations for Jewish independence. As Zionism and the return of Jews to the Land of Israel became a real movement, those different attitudes had to confront a new reality, in which Jewish history meets Jewish geography. This paper discusses the encounter of a Jewish culture that developed under Diaspora conditions with the new reality of Jewish territoriality and sovereignty.     

Arab-Jewish socio-spatial relations in Arab adolescents' representations

It seems that beyond differences among the drawings several generalisations may be made, relating to the ethno-spatial relations in Israeli Palestinian adolescents' perceptions, two years after the emergence of the uprising.

Graduated incarceration: The Israeli occupation in subaltern geopolitical perspective

This paper highlights the importance of analysis of the microgeographies of occupation, and the spatially-differentiated means that the Israeli Occupation Forces use to maintain the occupation and create spaces of graduated incarceration for Palestinians. Using the examples of the hinterlands of Qalqiliyah and the old city of Al-Khalil (Hebron) in the occupied West Bank, this paper exposes the microgeographical differentiation the occupation mobilizes in its attempt to enact a panoptic sovereignty over the population, in the process of dispossession. This study challenges geopolitical formations of the state as primary actor, and focuses instead on narratives of Palestinians describing their own experiences of occupation by a hostile state. By relying on popular media, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, this paper seeks to incorporate a Palestinian vision of life under occupation to challenge traditional geopolitical visions of the Palestinian Israeli conflict, in effect creating a subaltern geopolitical narrative.     

The Jewish colonization of the Nablus region —perspectives and continuing developments

While the mounting Jewish colonization of the Occupied Territories, especially the Nablus region, is considered against the backcloth of notions on Eretz Yisrael, the Land of Israel, the settlement-development must also be viewed as suburbanization outwards from Israeli metropolitan space and penetration into the essentially peripheral, dominantly rural Palestinian domain of the West Bank. Recent relaxitions in Soviet emigration controls and tighter US immigration policies towards Soviet Jewish emigrants are realizing a quite dramatic increase in the number of Soviet Jews immigrating into both Israel and the Occupied Territories. In turn, this will herald increasing and deeper competitions over land. Various assistance programmes and initiatives for the Jewish settlements within the West Bank are outlined with a consideration of Ariel, The Capital of Samaria, providing a specific case study. The continuing attempts to broaden the economic bases of the colonial settlements are also considered. Problems are set to continue. The contentious nature of the subject is to be emphasized.     

Jerusalem since 1967: A profile of a reunited city

Over a decade after the reunification of Jerusalem, two major issues arise concerning the urban reality created after 1967. First, the extent to which West and East Jerusalem in fact now form one urban unit and second, the nature of relationships which exist between Jews and Arabs, especially in the socio-economic area.The examination of the residential pattern, the provision of services and of employment, might provide us with some important insights.It may be stated that after reunification the once existent physical dividing line between West and East Jerusalem has virtually no significance, whether one considers the basic landuse pattern or the kind of movement of people, goods and services. However, there continues to be a line which separates the Jewish from the Arab population. Indeed, while segregation characterizes the pattern of residence, the location of private enterprise and the consumption of certain public services, mutual contact and interdependence do occur to a greater extent in various economic areas and particularly in the commercial and labour markets.In many respects this new urban reality resembles that which had existed before the city was divided. After 1967 as before 1948, it was the basically different socio-economic characteristics which distinguished between Jews and Arabs — as well as the particular political situation — which for the most part determined the patterns of co-existence of the two communities in Jerusalem.     

Transformation in territorial concepts: from nation building to concessions

The transition to globalization, socio-cultural fragmentation and an era of peace all constrain Zionism to a restructuring in its territorial perspectives. In the nation-building era, Zionism made the territory the focus of Zionist activity, which necessitated seizing territory, controlling it, and creating an affinity and attachment and a bond of identity between the nation and the territory. Pure colonization as a central strategy for realizing these national goals originated mainly from the unique historical circumstances of Zionism and from the adoption of an ethno-national ideology. This also led to the Palestinian-Jewish conflict that concentrated on the control of territory. The national economy regime that influenced Israel in different ways also served the territorial ideology to a great degree. Peace borders will require Israel to cooperate closely with Jordan, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in managing resources, external influences and additional common interests. The peace economy will integrate with the multi-national economy. Furthermore, in the reality of peace, Israel will have to abandon the internal colonization of areas populated by Israeli Arab citizens and give greater legitimation to their more prominent inclusion the Israeli identity. It will also become difficult for any elite group to dictate the national agenda to other marginal groups, such as Israeli Arabs, and Sephardic or Orthodox Jews, each group creates for itself considerable degree of autonomy in its own territory. In the main, the national periphery divides into an Israeli Arab periphery beside the periphery of the traditionally religious Sephardic Jews. The ultra-Orthodox Jews take control of increasingly larger Israeli space and expanding the horizons of their public involvement beyond their traditional ghettos. Each group creates for itself a different symbolic space with differing views concerning the limits of Israeli sovereignty.     

The extension of Ebenezer Howard's ideas on urbanization outside the British Isles: The example of Palestine

The idea of the Garden City, which was initiated by Ebenezer Howard at the end of the last century in England, was extended quickly to other places in the world. While the establishment of Garden Cities encountered many difficulties, there was much success in the establishment of Garden Suburbs. In Palestine, where Jewish immigrants and Zionist leaders brought Ebenezer Howard's ideas from Europe, Garden Suburbs were very successful. Zionism looked upon the Garden Suburb as the model for urban Zionist colonization in Palestine and it intended to establish such suburbs near all the big cities. Only Jews were supposed to live in those suburbs. The first Garden Suburb was Tel-Aviv near the port town of Jaffa. Subsequently, Tel-Aviv became the first Jewish city in Palestine. Following Tel-Aviv Jewish suburbs were established near Jerusalem, Haifa and Tiberias. In Palestine too, as in Europe, there were plans to establish Jewish Garden Cities, but they did not turn out well.     

The Negev continental bridge: a chain in an intermodal transport system

This paper is a second follow-up discussion concerning the role, economic viability and operational characteristics of the Negev Continental Bridge in the fluid geo-political atmosphere of the Middle East. The two previous papers (Geoforum8, 29–32 and 311–318) discussed the viability of the Israeli Continental Bridge as an alternative to the Suez Canal. Now, two years after the Canal was re-opened for use by Israeli vessels, the annual amount of cargo movement across the Israeli land bridge is still growing, although it is less economical than the Suez Canal. It is thus suggested that there is a need to view the continental bridge as one part of a chain in an intermodal transport system.     

Methodological aspects of surveying the volume, structure, activities and perceptions of city centre visitors

Counting pedestrians on a street and visitors entering a store is a method used to measure the attractiveness of these places. Their volumes are governed by daily, weekly, monthly and yearly cycles and are subject to random influences. This must be taken into account especially where comparison counts reveal changes. When single streets or stores are counted, it must be ascertained whether this figure is representative of the whole city centre and its retailing. Pedestrian volumes can be used for adjusting interview samples to the distribution in time and space of the city centre visitors. Counts of the qualitative characteristics of the pedestrian with respect to composition of groups reveal that surveys among pedestrians are biased in relation to the size of the group. Special attention in surveys should be given to the linking of activities. Whereas much emphasis is given to the accessibility of the city centre from outside, the ‘inner accessibility’ of the city centre is just as important. Long distances are often walked and many destinations visited. This is best recorded by conducting interviews at public transport stops and car parks. The attractiveness of the city centre depends not only on its physical structures but very much on the subjective perception of them; therefore judgements on accessibility, goods and services offered and the urban ambiance should be recorded. Retailer's attitudes concerning the qualities of the city centre should also be compiled for comparison. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Variations on a Hebrew theme: The politics of art music in Israel

No culture, no society, remains static but changes imperceptibly day by day. The struggle waged by western art music in Israel for survival is eerily suggestive of how Israeli society in general has changed since the early Zionists set the course for the creation of a Jewish nation-state. Once regarded as the civilized face and civilizing influence of the Jewish national endeavour in Palestine/Israel, its advocates claim ever more desperately that western art music in Israel is in a state of rapid decline. Yet public opinion surveys reveal that the Israeli public backs state support for arts and culture whether or not people participate in cultural activities. Despite this, the internal ethnic struggle for domination of the arts and culture world and the rearguard action by culture administrators are both in danger of being overtaken by the country’s exposure to global popular culture.     

Israeli frontier settlements: a cross-temporal analysis

Pragmatic geo-political considerations and a national ideology have guided both pre-1948 and post-1967 Jewish frontier settlements. Each settlement stage was characterized by penetration into remote areas on the periphery of older, established communities.In order to comprehend the development of Jewish frontier settlements, three factors must be analyzed: the historical geographic situation, the method of settlement, and the spatial network of the settlements themselves.Consequently, three waves of frontier settlements are explored in this research: (a) 1907–1916, which marked the first settlement attempt made by the Zionist Organization; (b) 1936–1939, when ‘Tower and Stockade’ settlements emerged as a reaction to the British partition plan; and (c) 1967 to the present, which followed the ‘Third Arab-Israeli’ war.     

Deep structure of the Longling–Ruili fault underneath Ruili basin near the eastern Himalayan syntaxis: insights from magnetotelluric imaging

Magnetotelluric (MT) geophysical profiling has been applied to the determination of the deep structure of the Longling–Ruili fault (LRF), part of a convergent strike-slip fault system, underneath thick Caenozoic cover in Ruili basin in southwestern Yunnan, China. The recorded MT data have been inverted using a two-dimensional (2-D) nonlinear conjugate gradients scheme with a variety of smooth starting models, and the resulting models show common subsurface conductivity structures that are deemed geological significant. The models show the presence of a conductive (5–60 Ω m) cover sequence that is thickest (1–1.5 km) in the centre of the basin and rapidly pinches out towards the margins. A half-graben structure is interpreted for the Ruili basin. This is underlain by about 7–10 km thick upper crustal layer of high resistivity (>200–4000 Ω m) that is dissected by steep faults, which we interpret to flatten at depth and root into an underlying mid-crustal conductive layer at about 10 km depth. The mid-crustal layer does not appear to have been severely affected by faulting; we interpret it as a zone of partial melt or intracrustal detachment. The MT models suggest SE directed thrusting of basement rocks in the area. The Longling–Ruili fault is interpreted as a NW-dipping feature bounding one of the identified upper crustal fragments underneath Ruili city. We suggest that MT imaging is a potent tool for deep subsurface mapping in this terrain.     

Territoriality of negation: Co-production of “creative destruction” in Israel

Based on an examination of Israel’s territorial conceptions, strategies, and achievements since the establishment of the state, this article shows how state territoriality subsumes ideology and political agendas and may, under certain circumstances, lead the state to negate its very self-conceptions and harm its own perceived interests. Its analysis pays special attention to the state’s inadvertently produced territories of negation, which run counter to its own conception of territoriality, and considers the kind of social–spatial entities produced by the state. It also considers Israeli territoriality’s more recently asserted goal of shaping Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in addition to the goals of controlling Jerusalem and Judaizing the Galilee and the Negev. To illustrate the theoretical assertion that discriminatory and marginalizing state territoriality has the distinct potential to bring about its own negation, the article concludes with two prominent expressions of this phenomenon. The first is manifested in green-line Israel, where the state’s territorial policies and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian minority has resulted in collective resistance against the state and its policies, basic Jewish-Israeli symbols such as the anthem and the flag, and Israel’s very definition as a Jewish State. The second is manifested in Israel’s inadvertent creation of bi-national spaces both within Israel proper and in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, indirectly promoting the solution of a single bi-national state and posing a serious challenge to the very goals that Israeli territoriality has consistently strived to achieve.     

How Viable will the Agricultural economy be in the New State of Palestine?

A key objective of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in Palestine has been to render the economy of these regions dependent on the Israeli economy and thus hamper their economic development. Large areas of land have been confiscated or expropriated by the Israeli authorities to establish Jewish settlements. Other severe measures imposed include control of irrigation water and obstacles for the Arab agricultural and industrial sector in the Occupied Territories aimed at preventing Arab competition with Israeli products.Palestinian agriculturalists have met this challenge and have worked to achieve higher production levels in agriculture. Nonetheless, economic development there was blocked, and many agriculturalists sought employment inside Israel. The Intifada since December 1987 has aimed at encouraging Arab economic independence and intensification of efforts to meet national requirements of greater self-sufficiency in subsistence crops and stimulation of agriculture-related industries. The Intifada is thus functioning as a stimulus to development and economic viability.     

New perspectives on the Negev continental bridge

In a paper written immediately after the reopening of the Suez Canal in 1975, a question was raised: is the Israeli Negev a viable alternative to the Suez Canal? (Geoforum, 8, 29–32, 1977). The answer posted then was pessimistic — the continental land bridge was seen as having failed to function as a real alternative.Now, two years after the reopening of the Canal, it appears that the land bridge seems to be a more economically viable venture than previously suggested. The amount of cargo in transit over the land bridge and its percentage of the total port of Eilat traffic is increasing despite competition from the Canal. This phenomenon and new perspectives on the Negev land bridge are discussed in this follow-up paper.     

Reviewing urban revitalisation strategies in Rio de Janeiro: from urban project to urban management approaches

This paper describes key urban development strategies pursued during the last seven years by the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, the second largest city in Brazil. It discloses internal processes, organisational restructuring of the municipality and institutional changes geared to increase effective urban management and resource mobilisation required to implement multiple sector programmes and key projects in several locations in the city like Favela Bairro and Rio Cidade Programmes, The Rio Strategic Plan, etc. It is argued that the formation of interdepartmental working groups for better horizontal articulation of policy making and implementation, the creation of the financial and accounting unit, the decentralisation of authority towards sub-municipality levels, and capacity strengthening of its personnel – among other things – have made a positive impact on the performance of local government. The paper further highlights a significant change towards policies of urban consolidation and revitalisation of declined areas of the city supported by heavy public investments and the effort towards broader civil society involvement in municipal projects. Municipal autonomy, problem-solving and result-oriented type of planning and management and organisational change are some of the lessons pinpointed by the paper for a city of that size and complexity.     

Arabs versus Jews in Galilee: Competition for regional resources

This paper suggests that the State of Israel is neither pluralistic nor neutral when it comes to the allocation of regional resources between the two groups of its citizenry, Jewish and Arab. The study focuses on the state's N region, Galilee, where the unequal distribution of land, water, and local budgets as regional resources between Jewish and Arab settlements reflects a geography of power along lines of ethnic cleavage. Rather than being a neutral agent in resource distribution and allocation, the central government plays a key role in allocatinal policies distinctly skewed in favor of the Jewish population in Galilee, resulting in highly uneven development patterns and other disparities.Paper originally presented at the IBG Annual conference, Glasgow, 3–6 January 1990