Entangled exchange: Reconceptualising the characterisation and practice of bodily commodification

Richard Titmuss’ classical 1970 study of blood donation has provided a powerful conceptual model for characterising transactions involving human bodily materials. This now paradigmatic model suggests that such transactions are typically organised in accordance with one or other of two dichotomous, and mutually exclusive, modes of exchange: gifting or commodification. In this paper I utilise findings from my own and others’ empirical research to illustrate the range of complex, multiply constituted, and contested modes of commodification that now typically attend the exchange of human body parts and tissues of which Titmuss’ model can take no effective account. Drawing on work by Radin, Callon, and Miller I illustrate the complex justificatory work that those involved must perform to fit their lived experiences of tissue exchange into this now outmoded paradigm. I then consider how the protagonists themselves ontologise their practices and with what effects. In the second part of the paper I consider how neo-liberal ideologies and instruments are being employed to suborn a variety of highly differentiated and geographically distinct practices of bodily commodification to the ‘logic of the market’. I explore here what the operative effects of defining the global circulation of body parts and tissues as a new ‘economy’ might be. I then consider how, if at all, a market logic could ‘Value’ all those ‘calculations of interest’ and ‘values’ that underpin exchanges of human body parts and tissues in specific national, communal or institutional settings. I conclude by reflecting on the desirability or possibility of performing normative assessments of the ethicacy of highly geographically and culturally differentiated practices of bodily commodification.     

The nonillusory effects of neoliberalisation: Linking geographies of poverty, inequality, and violence

This paper steps into recent debates concerning the (f)utility of neoliberalism as an ‘actually existing’ concept by reminding the reader that without a Marxian political economy approach, one that specifically includes neoliberalisation as part of its theoretical edifice, we run the risk of obfuscating the reality of capitalism’s festering poverty, rising inequality, and ongoing geographies of violence as something unknowable and ‘out there’. By failing to acknowledge such nonillusory effects of neoliberalisation and refusing the explanatory power neoliberalism holds in relating similar constellations of experiences across space as a potential basis for emancipation, we precipitously ensure the prospect of a violent future.     

Sharing and neoliberal discourse: The economic function of sharing in the digital on-demand economy

In this paper I offer a critical analysis of ‘sharing’ as a discursive formation in the emerging on-demand economy or, as its more commonly known, ‘sharing’ economy. The set of firms and digital platforms that constitute the on-demand economy evade precise definition, though in popular commentary include Uber, Lyft, Airbnb, Taskrabbit, Couchsurfing, and Yelp, among others. I argue that sharing is a discursive formation that is produced through neoliberal economic practices and contributes to their constitution and performance, connoting the embeddedness and inter-determination of the economic with the social. I analyze interview material with software developers and others working for on-demand economy firms in San Francisco to underscore how the sharing discourse is produced, and to examine the possible relationship between the sharing discourse and working practices in the on-demand economy. I explore how sharing, though a fragile and contested discourse, has been used by some proponents of the on-demand economy in an attempt to justify and normalize flexible and precarious work through an ambiguous association between capitalist exchange and altruistic social values. This ambiguity is productive insofar as sharing has become associated variously with transactional platforms, digital peer review via surveillant and punitive ratings systems, and algorithmically mediated, precarious, and ‘entrepreneurial’ contract work, while retaining affective associations with community, inclusion, and participation.     

Accumulation by securitization: Commercial poaching,neoliberal conservation,and the creation of new wildlife frontiers

Part of a broader interest in the escalating securitization of conservation practice, scholars are beginning to take note of an emerging relationship between conservation–securitization, capital accumulation, and dispossession. We develop the concept of accumulation by securitization to better grasp this trend, positioning it in the critical literatures on neoliberal conservation, green grabbing, and conservation-security. The concept captures the ways in which capital accumulation, often tied to land and resource enclosure, is enabled by practices and logics of security. Security logics, moreover, increasingly provoke the dispossession of vulnerable communities, thereby enabling accumulation. We ground the concept by turning to the Greater Lebombo Conservancy (GLC) in the Mozambican borderlands. This is a new privately-held conservancy built as a securitized buffer zone to obstruct the movement of commercial rhino poachers into South Africa’s adjacent Kruger National Park. We show how wildlife tourism-related accumulation here is enabled by, and in some ways contingent upon, the GLC’s success in curbing poaching incursions, and, relatedly, how security concerns become the grounds upon which resident communities are displaced. In terms of the latter, we suggest security provides a troubling, depoliticized alibi for dispossession. Like broader neoliberal conservation and green grabbing, we illustrate how accumulation by securitization plays out within complex new networks of state and private actors. Yet these significantly expand to include including security actors and others motivated by security concerns.     

Global economic restructuring and the world of labor in Brazil: the challenges to trade unions and social movements

The crisis and challenges faced by labor, including the trade unions and social movements have proportions not yet fully understood. The repercussions, owing to globalization, also reached Third World countries, especially intermediate countries that hold important industrial estates such as Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, etc. Brazil is part of an economic, social, political and cultural context which has universal traces of global capitalism, but also possesses singularities. During the last decades, Brazilian trade unions and social movements have either followed a different path. There was a widespread and highly significant strike movement (in the 1980s) with a notable expansion of trade unions organizing salaried sector (teachers, bank workers, public sector workers, etc.); there was also the rise of the Union Congresses such as the CUT-Central Única dos Trabalhadores (Workers Central) and the advance of rural unionism and the Landless Workers' Movement (MST, Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra) and new urban social movements such as the Homeless Movement. By the end of these decades, we joined in a more significant way the challenges which were presented to the unionism and social movements. These challenges are discuss in this paper.     

The mirror of consumption: Celebritization, developmental consumption and the shifting cultural politics of fair trade

This paper explores the shifting cultural politics of development as expressed in the changing narratives and discursive transparencies of fair trade marketing tactics in the UK. Pursued through what I call ‘developmental consumption’ and the increasing celebritization of development, it is now through the global media mega-star that the subaltern speaks. After a more general discussion of the implications of the celebritization of development, specific analysis focuses on two parallel processes complicit in the ‘mainstreaming’ of fair trade markets and the desire to develop fair trade as a product of ‘quality’. The first involves improving the taste of fair trade commodities through alterations in their material supply chains while the second involves novel marketing narratives designed to invoke these conventions of quality through highly meaningful discursive and visual means. The later process is conceptualized through the theoretical device of the shifting ‘embodiments’ of fair trade which have moved from small farmers’ livelihoods, to landscapes of ‘quality’, to increasing congeries of celebrities such as Chris Martin from the UK band Coldplay. These shifts encapsulate what is referred to here as fair trade’s Faustian Bargain and its ambiguous results: the creation of increasing economic returns and, thus, more development through the movement of fair trade goods into mainstream retail markets at the same time there is a de-centering of the historical discursive transparency at the core of fair trade’s moral economy. Here, then, the celebritization of fair trade has the potential to create ‘the mirror of consumption’, whereby, our gaze is reflected back upon ourselves in the form of ‘the rich and famous’ Northern celebrity muddling the ethics of care developed by connecting consumers to fair trade farmers and their livelihoods. The paper concludes with a consideration of development and fair trade politics in the context of their growing aestheticization and celebritization.     

Dislocating modernity: Identity, space and representations of street trade in Durban, South Africa

South Africa’s cities have experienced dramatic changes over the past decade. Cities are now home to a multiracial population, and have been transformed by new forms of economic and social interaction. For some, these changes have become a significant source of fear and anxiety. In this paper, we examine reactions to urban spatial change in the city of Durban, as expressed in local newspapers and interviews with suburban residents. We describe how the discourses of urban change in Durban have centred on the increased presence of street traders within the city’s public spaces, and the various ways in which the activity of street trade has disrupted long-established modernist norms governing the occupation and use of the urban space. Specifically, we offer a detailed reading of three prominent narratives within the discussion of street traders in Durban--chaos, congestion and pollution. We argue that street traders have come to embody a wide range of more deeply seated cultural anxieties, which have been brought to the fore in the context of South Africa’s transition. These anxieties arise from the ways in which modern understandings of order, agency and subjectivity have been called into question by material changes in the city, and have implications for the nature of citizenship and civic engagement in post-apartheid South Africa.     

Communities as the agents of commodification: The Kumbo Water Authority in Northwest Cameroon

In 1991 the people of the town of Kumbo in Northwest Cameroon expelled the national water corporation from town by force. They claimed to be retrieving a network that the community rightfully owned and they began to run the system along community lines. The paper tells the story of that water supply twice. First it reproduces the popular accounts that circulated in the 1990s that emphasize the role played by the community in the development and operation of the water supply and portray recent events as a triumph of community management. Then it retells the story using archive evidence that puts a quite different light on some of the events. It is argued that the emphasis on community management has a tendency to obscure other important aspects of the story, for example its political context and consequences. It is suggested that the widespread admiration for any initiative that is community based often results in an uncritical analysis of this form of development project. In this case the commodification of water accelerates after the community has wrested control of this public service from the state.     

Poisoning the well: neoliberalism and the contamination of municipal water in Walkerton, Ontario

In May of 2000, thousands of residents of the town of Walkerton, Ontario became ill from drinking municipal water contaminated by Escherichia coli and Campylobacter jejuni bacteria. Seven people died, while many suffered debilitating injuries. A highly unusual and risk prone local hydrological regime, coupled with manure spreading on farms near municipal wells, and lax oversight by municipal water utility officials, were quickly blamed by Ontario government figures, including then premier Mike Harris. However, the scandal surrounding Walkerton's tragedy and a subsequent public inquiry into the incident also implicated neoliberal reforms of environmental governance introduced by Harris's government subsequent to its election in 1995. This paper examines the Walkerton incident as an important example of a “normal accident” of neoliberalism, one that can be expected from neoliberal environmental regulatory reforms arising from systematic irresponsibility in environmental governance. This irresponsibility is promulgated by an overarching hostility to any regulatory interference with free markets, as well as specific regulatory gaps that produce environmental risks. The paper also serves as a case study of the extent to which neoliberalism is constituted by environmental governance reform, and conversely, how environmental governance reform is reconfigured as part of the emergent neoliberal mode of social regulation.     

Government and urban management in the 20th century: policies,contradictions, and weaknesses of the New Right

Throughout the 20th century, government in the U.S. has gone through significant changes; initially responding to the disorder of early capitalism, and later, to the economic crisis of the 1970s. This article will explore the changes in the U.S. political landscape over the last century, as well as the recent rise of neo-liberalism. In addition, with the analysis of the model laissez-faire municipal government, the City of Houston, the article will illustrate how the basic weaknesses of neoliberalism at the national level are also evident at the local scale of government.

Tales of power in biotechnology regulation: the EU ban on BST

Biotechnology regulation has been dogged by allegations of bias, usually phrased in terms of ‘conflicts of interest’. Social constructionist analyses of regulatory science have shown up serious epistemological difficulties with such ‘interest’ explanations of regulatory power, but in the process they have also destabilised the platforms such as ‘objectivity’, upon which critiques of regulatory bias are usually grounded. This paper argues that their critical impotence follows from not being constructivist enough. Building on Hajer’s notions of ‘story-lines’ and ‘discourse coalitions’, it argues that recovering the non-human, material components that construct regulation offers sufficiently firm ground for evaluating regulatory power even in the absence of the firm benchmarks assumed by interest accounts. The paper develops this approach by focusing on a single story-line, characterised as ‘scientism’, as it is deployed in the build up to a European Union (EU) ban on bovine somatotrophin, the first food-related product of the ‘new biotechnology’. The essay ends by discussing how far this retrospective analysis can help us to understand and intervene in the current and future EU regulation of biotechnology.     

The Rössing Uranium Deposit: a product of late-kinematic localization of uraniferous granites in the Central Zone of the Damara Orogen, Namibia

The Rössing granite-hosted uranium deposit in the Central Zone of the Pan-African Damara Orogen, Namibia, is situated in the “SJ area” to the south of the Rössing Dome. The coincidence of a number of features in this area suggests that mineralization is closely linked to late-kinematic evolution of the Rössing Dome. These features include: (1) the rotation of the dome's long axis (trend of 017°), relative to the regional F₃ trend of 042°; (2) southward dome impingement, concomitant with dome rotation, producing a wedge-shaped zone of alkali-leucogranites, within which uranium mineralization is transgressive with respect to granites and their host lithologies; uranium mineralization and a high fluid flux are also confined to this arcuate zone to the south and south-east of the dome core and (3) fault modeling that indicates that the SJ area underwent late-D₃ to D₄ brittle–ductile deformation, producing a dense fault network that was exploited by leucogranites. Dome rotation and southward impingement occurred after a protracted period of transtensional tectonism in the Central Zone, from ca. 542 to 526 Ma, during which I- and S-type granites were initiated in a metamorphic core complex. Late-kinematic deformation involved a rejuvenation of the stresses that acted from ca. 600 to 550 Ma. This deformation overlapped with uranium-enriched granite intrusion in the Central Zone at 510 ± 3 Ma. Such late-kinematic, north–south transpression, which persisted into the post-kinematic cooling phase until at least 478 ± 4 Ma, was synchronous with left-lateral displacement along NNE-trending (“Welwitschia Trend”) shears in the vicinity of Rössing. Late-kinematic deformation, causing block rotation, overlying dome rotation and interaction of the more competent units of the Khan Formation with the Rössing Formation in the dome rim was pivotal in the localization of uranium-enriched granites within a highly fractured, high-strain zone that was also the site of prolonged/high fluid flux.     

商代含高放射性成因铅的青铜器矿料来源与古蜀三星堆在矿业贸易中的地位

含高放射性成因铅是商代青铜器的重要特征,但对其矿料来源的讨论众说纷纭,莫衷一是。本文收集了河南郑州商城、山西垣曲商城、湖北盘龙城、四川三星堆、陕西汉中（地区）、江西新干大洋洲、河南安阳殷墟和陕北（地区）覆盖整个商代的8个遗址/地区700件出土青铜器样品的铅同位素组成数据,并与全国606个Pb—Zn、Cu、Sn多金属矿床4025件矿石样品的铅同位素组成数据进行比对分析,探讨商代青铜器的矿料来源和古蜀国在矿业贸易中的地位。研究表明：（1）河南郑州商城、湖北盘龙城、陕西汉中、山西垣曲商城、河南安阳殷墟和陕北6个遗址/地区的青铜器很可能采用了含异常铅和正常铅的两类铅料;而四川三星堆与江西新干大洋洲出土的青铜器则主要采用了含异常铅的铅料。四川三星堆、陕西汉中和陕北3个遗址/地区出土的青铜器很可能采用了含异常铅和正常铅的两类铜料;而河南郑州商城、湖北盘龙城、山西垣曲商城、河南安阳殷墟与江西新干大洋洲出土的青铜器采用的铜料很可能以含正常铅为主,但不排除采用含异常铅铜料的可能性。（2）对比全国Cu、Pb—Zn、Sn及多金属矿床铅同位素资料,商代遗址出土的青铜器中的高放射性成因铅的铅料,最有可能来自四川云南交界处的MVT型Pb—Zn矿床;而含高放射性成因铅的铜料,则最可能来自四川云南交界处的IOCG型Cu矿和山西中条山铜矿峪Cu矿床。（3）综合三星堆遗址得天独厚的地理位置,三星堆青铜文明的兴衰时间及其与其他文化交流与贸易往来的路径,推测古蜀三星堆很可能是商代含高放射性成因铅的铅料及部分铜料贸易的大型中转地,商代含高放射性成因铅的青铜器的兴盛与衰落则很可能与三星堆青铜文明的开启与消亡有关。     

商代含高放射性成因铅的青铜器矿料来源与古蜀三星堆在矿业贸易中的地位

含高放射性成因铅是商代青铜器的重要特征,但对其矿料来源的讨论众说纷纭,莫衷一是。笔者等收集了河南郑州商城、山西垣曲商城、湖北盘龙城、四川三星堆、陕西汉中(地区)、江西新干大洋洲、河南安阳殷墟和陕北(地区)覆盖整个商代的8个遗址/地区700件出土青铜器样品的铅同位素组成数据,并与全国606个Pb—Zn、Cu、Sn多金属矿床4025件矿石样品的铅同位素组成数据进行比对分析,探讨商代青铜器的矿料来源和古蜀国在矿业贸易中的地位。研究表明：(1)河南郑州商城、湖北盘龙城、陕西汉中、山西垣曲商城、河南安阳殷墟和陕北6个遗址/地区的青铜器很可能采用了含异常铅和正常铅的两类铅料;而四川三星堆与江西新干大洋洲出土的青铜器则主要采用了含异常铅的铅料。四川三星堆、陕西汉中和陕北3个遗址/地区出土的青铜器很可能采用了含异常铅和正常铅的两类铜料;而河南郑州商城、湖北盘龙城、山西垣曲商城、河南安阳殷墟与江西新干大洋洲出土的青铜器采用的铜料很可能以含正常铅为主,但不排除采用含异常铅铜料的可能性。(2)对比全国Cu、Pb—Zn、Sn及多金属矿床铅同位素资料,商代遗址出土的青铜器中的高放射性成因铅的铅料,最有可能来自四...     

Peridotitic diamonds from Namibia: constraints on the composition and evolution of their mantle source

About half the diamonds studied from the Cenozoic placer deposits along the Namibian coast belong to the peridotitic suite. The peridotitic mantle source is heterogeneous ranging from lherzolitic to strongly Ca depleted (down to 0.24 wt.% CaO in garnet) and shows large variations in Cr/Al ratio, illustrated by very low to very high Cr₂O₃ contents in garnet (2.6–17.3 wt.%). The Cr-rich end of this range includes exceptionally high Cr₂O₃ contents in Mg-chromite (70.7 wt.%) and clinopyroxene (3.6 wt.%). Garnet-olivine thermometry appears to indicate two groups, one that equilibrated at temperatures between 1200 and 1220°C and a second between 960 and 1100°C. Combined estimates of pressure and temperature based on garnet-orthopyroxene pairs indicate a large variance in geothermal gradients, corresponding to 38–42 mW/m² surface heat flow.

The trace-element composition of peridotitic garnet inclusions (determined by SIMS) also indicates large diversity. Two principal groups, corresponding to different styles of metasomatic source enrichment, are recognized. The first group ranges from extremely LREE_N-depleted patterns, through trough-shaped REE_N to sinusoidal patterns with the position of the first peak gradually moving from the LREE_N to the MREE_N. This series of REE patterns is interpreted to reflect a range of metasomatic agents with decreasing LREE/HREE. Only in the case of the two garnets with REE_N peaking at Sm–Eu is this process connected with enrichment in Zr, without significant introduction of Y and Ti. The metasomatism responsible is interpreted as reflecting percolation of CHO-fluids through harzburgite under sub-solidus conditions. A second group of garnets shows an increase from LREE_N–MREE_N and almost flat (lherzolitic garnet) to moderately declining MREE_N–HREE_N at super-chondritic levels. This second style of metasomatism is caused by an agent carrying HFSE and showing only moderate enrichment in LREE over HREE, which points towards silicate melts.     

Water reform governmentality in Ecuador: Neoliberalism,centralization, and the restraining of polycentric authority and community rule-making

In most Latin American countries, issues concerning water governance and control also reflect broader conflicts over authority and legitimacy between the state and civil society. What lies behind the diverse water policy reforms is not simply a question of governing water affairs but also a drive to control or co-opt water user groups. This paper examines the efforts by the present Ecuadorian government to ‘control water users’ through new forms of ‘governmentality’ (Foucault, 1991). We use the ‘cathedral and bazaar’ metaphor (Lankford and Hepworth, 2010) to illustrate government rationale and practices in water governance shifts in the last decades. We analyze how Rafael Correa’s government sets out to reshape the relations between state, market and society. In its ‘Twenty-first Century Socialism’ project, based on a proclaimed ‘Citizen Revolution’, actual policy reform does not reverse but rather transforms the process of neoliberalizing water governance – creating a hybrid bazaar-cathedral model. We argue that the current water govermentality project implements reforms that do not challenge established market-based water governance foundations. Rather it aims to contain and undermine communities’ autonomy and ‘unruly’ polycentric rule-making, which are the result of both historical and present-day processes of change. Interestingly, water user federations that emerged during the neoliberal wave of the last two decades now claim water control space and search for new forms of democratizing water governance. They act as agents who fiercely – yet selectively and strategically – oppose both elements of the State-centered (cathedral) and market-based (bazaar) water governance models.     

Experiencing agricultural failure: Internal migration, tourism and local perceptions of regional change in the Yucatan

In response to a growing body of literature encouraging geographers to present textured, regional case studies that demonstrate how neoliberalism functions at diverse scales, this article presents a nuanced account of neoliberalism in Mexico’s Yucatan peninsula. The study seeks to illustrate how neoliberal reforms to agriculture and ongoing neoliberal tourism development in the Yucatecan state of Quintana Roo intersect to create a unique regional context for migration between the state’s rural areas and Mexico’s largest planned tourism development zone in Cancun. The research presented is based on a series of in-depth qualitative interviews that took place in 2003 with rural residents and regional migrants working in Cancun. Through the employment of an experiential definition of neoliberalism, grounded in the lived experiences and perceptions of study participants, the article suggests that rural-urban tourist pole migration is the result of a complex negotiation of the region’s neoliberal landscape. The article argues that rural residents’ and migrants’ perceptions of the failure of agriculture as a livelihood is shaped relative to the perceived success of the tourism industry and better livelihood opportunities in Cancun. These widespread perceptions of agricultural failure in the Yucatan peninsula are constructed not solely in response to local conditions but rather in response to the overall regional outcome of neoliberal economic restructuring initiatives which have negatively affected traditional agriculture in the rural sphere while privileging tourism development in the urban sphere centered in Cancun.     

How “Water for All!” policy became hegemonic: The power of the World Bank and its transnational policy networks

As recently as 1990, few people in the global South received their water from US or European water firms. But just 10 years later, more than 400 million people did, with that number predicted to increase to 1.2 billion people by 2015, transforming water in Africa, Asia, and Latin America into capitalized markets as precious, and war-provoking, as oil. This article explains how this new global water policy became constituted so quickly, dispersed so widely, with such profound institutional effects. It highlights the prominent role of transnational policy networks in linking environment and development NGOs and the so-called global water policy experts with Northern high-end service sectors, and the ways in which the World Bank facilitates their growth, authority, and efficacy. This phenomenon reflects the World Bank’s latest and perhaps most vulnerable development regime, which I call “green neoliberalism.”     

Neoliberal reforms in elder care in Norway: Roles of the state, Norwegian employers, and Polish nurses

After a worldwide financial crisis in the early 1980s, many states decided to implement new public management strategies. These strategies consist of private sector management practices that aim to reduce the cost of public services. The US and the UK first adopted the new public management model and other states soon followed. The Norwegian state was initially reluctant to adopt private management practices, but it eventually implemented modified reforms that suited the Norwegian socio-political context. This article investigates the ways in which the Norwegian state and Norwegian employers shape the labor force in Norwegian nursing homes through new public management strategies, and the tools that foreign-born nurses use to challenge these structures. The Norwegian state shapes the labor force through labor market policies and the rescaling of public services to local governments, and Norwegian employers reinforce the neoliberal values of the state in their hiring practices and daily operations in the workplace. In particular, this article analyzes the interweaving neoliberal institutional and personal factors that influence the working experiences of Polish nurses in a semi-private nursing home in Oslo. The city of Oslo created a unique public–private partnership with a city-owned company that manages three nursing homes in Oslo. The findings of this study indicate that Polish nurses in one of these nursing homes were negatively affected by the new public management strategies. They improved some of their working conditions over time but structural barriers still persist despite high demand for their skills.     

Abandoned bodies and spaces of sacrifice: Pesticide drift activism and the contestation of neoliberal environmental politics in California

Recent research suggests that many key strands of California’s agrofood activism appear to accommodate, rather than confront, the neoliberalization of environmental governance, and that such accommodations might problematically constrain the transformative potential of activists’ work. In this paper, I examine the case of pesticide drift activism in California, which, as an exception to this trend, provides a provocative and useful case study for interrogating the influence of neoliberalization on social/environmental activism. I argue that California’s pesticide drift activism can be understood as a reaction to the spaces of sacrifice created and exacerbated by the failure of unionization-based pesticide reform efforts, a promising but compromised regulatory apparatus, longstanding farmworker powerlessness, neoliberal regulatory rollback, and neoliberalized pesticide politics – a mosaic of factors that have worked together to produce a regulatory structure that has always been better at registering pesticides than at reducing pollution. I show that pesticide drift activists’ reliance on confrontational practice, collective action, and strategic alliances have been crucial to the movement’s success with bringing visibility to this issue and with gaining traction in the political arena. Thus, at the same time that neoliberalization can exacerbate physical spaces of sacrifice, this case study illustrates that it can also, unexpectedly perhaps, generate new, non-neoliberal political spaces for social change.