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1.
Cross-border cooperation is starting to overcome the isolation of frontier regions where interaction under the socialist system was minimal. Change has been particularly apparent in areas where trans-frontier organisations on the ‘Euroregion’ model have emerged. The Carpathian Euroregion is the first exclusively East European example of this approach and it has already made a positive impact in overcoming backwardness in an area where four East European countries were in contact with the Former Soviet Union. The paper outlines the challenge facing the Euroregion – and the national and local governments in the five countries concerned – in providing non-agricultural employment for a large rural population augmented by return-migration from the towns since 1989. Many small farming businesses have been started as a survival strategy but they cannot be economically viable in a market situation. Although most people are satisified with their rural lifestyle, the inevitability of radical consolidation in a future EU context could be politically destabilising if more jobs are not generated in manufacturing and in an expanding tertiary sector. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

2.
Corey Johnson 《GeoJournal》2008,72(1-2):75-89
As John Agnew (Political geography: a reader, 1997) has argued, political and economic change often occasions competing visions of the scales that are appropriate for organizing particular political and economic activities. Nowhere is this more evident than in the European Union, and eastern Germany offers compelling evidence of the contested nature of contemporary scalar politics. Yet a recent debate in human geography (see, e.g. Marston et al., Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 30:416–432, 2005) calls into question the very concept of scale and rejects its hierarchical conceptualization. In light of this debate, it is appropriate to draw on real-world case studies to examine the ways in which geography figures into policy. Drawing on field work in Saxony, evidence is offered in the form of competing visions of regionalism in the EU context. The evidence presented complicates both hierarchical and flat notions of scale. The current process of querying space to identify those scales that are best-suited for the globalized economy offers insights into both the socially constructed nature of scale as well as the ways in which scalar lenses help to illuminate the geographical aspects (and consequences) of strategies for coping with structural changes.  相似文献   

3.
Transnational economic integration between Thailand and Burma is intimately linked to protection for Burmese refugees in Thailand. In the case of Burmese nationals who seek safety in Thailand, their protection becomes more negotiable as economic integration with Thailand proceeds. Since 1988, hundreds of thousands of Burmese citizens have fled beyond the borders of their state, fearing both human rights abuses and successive offensives by a military junta intent on its own survival. Critical analysis of the dynamic of human displacement and bi-national economic cooperation between the governments of Thailand Burma grounds this study. The story is one of transnational trade across one border, where people's labour, homes, and passports are exchanged – in an obscured fashion – for investment, natural resources, and economic cooperation. The Thai-Burmese border proves to be a flexible concept that can be invoked to produce refugees or blurred to promote binational economic infrastructure and trade. Despite economic booms and busts in Southeast Asia, economic integration in the region is on-going. At the same time, Burma's government – the State Peace and Development Council – and its military force more and more citizens into neighbouring countries. Their reception in Thailand, however, is increasingly chilly. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

4.
《Geoforum》1988,19(3):367-379
It is difficult, if not impossible, to completely separate political from economic relationships in any political system at any scale; this is no less true for Australia than it is for other countries. Changes in Australian Federal-State political relationships must be viewed in the context of changes in the overall system of international trade, the increasing economic power of the Pacific States and the economic restructuring of the Australian economy. However, explanations of political relationships cannot merely focus on the economic issues; the legal, historical and geographical contexts are also relevant. This paper explores Federal-State relations within the overall framework of a centre-periphery model within which jurisdictional conflicts revolve around Federal Government attempts to maintain power at the centre at the expense of the periphery. It takes the viewpoint that any meaningful discussion of political relationships must encompass aspects of human conflict which take place in particular political-geographical and legal contexts.  相似文献   

5.
Using statistics collected by UNHCR and the Serbian government, the paper examines aspects of the refugee problem in FR Yugoslavia whose war-affected population amounted to 646 066 persons in 1996 (a figure that is almost certainly an underestimate). Relatively few refugees will return to their homes even with a political settlement because so many homes are damaged or destroyed. Many people would like to settle in Western Europe and some have already succeeded (especially in Scandinavia where asylum seekers from Former Yugoslavia accounted for 80 percent of the applications in January-September 1993). But regulations are being tightened and asylum seekers are now facing deportation. Housing refugees in FRY is expensive (only 350 refugees got new homes and permanent citizenship in 1994), but some exchanges have been arranged between Serbs arriving from Croatia and Croats established in Vojvodina who are willing to move in the opposite direction. The most promising solution discussed in the paper is resettlement in border villages which have experienced steady depopulation since the Second World War. Houses are available for refurbishment and arable land is cheap. The resettlement of refugee farmers could make an immediate impact on food production and over the longer term there could be sustained economic growth in the context of a newly-constituted Euroregion. Such a strategy would make a virtue out of necessity by helping the refugees and the border regions which have had their potential enhanced by cross-border cooperation. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

6.
In this review, we call for more engagement with the geo-political dimension of the finance economy that epitomises the 21st-century capitalist order within the European Union. Using the example of financial clearing and settlement, key processes in global trade and finance mechanisms in which London leads the world, we discuss the entangled political and economic dimensions in the shadow of Brexit to come, and its potential impact on the City’s complex financial ecosystem. The aim here is not to consult the crystal ball and predict London’s future as a financial centre. Yet, euro clearing is of geo-political relevance: if the UK leaves the EU, euro clearing would be taking place outside of the ECB’s regulatory space of intervention. This can become highly problematic, as the nominal euro sums involved in a major crisis are immense. We believe that these processes illustrate the pressing need to engage with finance’s geo-economics and geo-politics in more depth, both empirically and conceptually.  相似文献   

7.
Vic Duke 《GeoJournal》1999,49(1):17-24
The paper is concerned with decreasing state ownership in post-communist Eastern Europe and a concomitant decline in the proportion employed in the state sector. Many individuals have shifted into private sector employment, self-employment or unemployment. The literature on sectoral shifts in employment in Eastern Europe is summarised, and from this it is argued that there will be a growing differentiation between private sector employees and state sector employees in economic, social and political terms. Data is then analysed based on a survey in 1995 of around 1000 households in each of four cities – Budapest, Prague, Warsaw and Krakow. Similar patterns emerged in the four cities. Consistent differences in working conditions and rewards are already evident between the self-employed, private sector and state sector. These conflicting economic interests are reflected in contrasting attitudes to the economy and polity amongst those employed in different sectors. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

8.
The binational cities of Dover and Calais and their region   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
This paper analyses the question of cities that are localised at each part of an international border. We take as an example the two cities of Dover and Calais and look at if they can be considered as binational cities, because they have been recently connected by a tunnel, the ‘fixed link’, and because since 1993, the inner state borders of the European Union have disappeared. It determines firstly if these two towns have been brought closer by the construction of the Channel tunnel and if specific ties are linking these two towns. The article scrutinizes actions taken under INTERREG funds under the general framework of the creation of the ‘Transmanche Region’ and its extension towards a Euroregion to sort out these two cities joint involvement. Finally, it checks if this new area could lead to cross-border activity either for work or tourism and leisure purposes that could conduct the cities of Dover and Calais toward a new type of relationship, premises of a binational city. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

9.
Tim Bunnell 《GeoJournal》2004,59(4):297-305
Becoming the tallest building in the world in the mid-1990s, the Petronas Towers was the centre piece of an image of national progress and development that Malaysian authorities sought to project internationally. The release of Fox Movies' Entrapment in Malaysia in May 1999 provoked political outrage and popular disappointment at the way in which the Petronas Towers in Kuala Lumpur had been spliced alongside riverside ‘slums’ filmed in the town of Malacca some 150 km away. This paper provides a critical reading of the spliced scene in the movie. At one level, the angry response of the Malaysian Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, to the scene diagnoses a geopolitics of asymmetrical representational power. However, I show how Mahathir's criticism of Entrapment in Malaysia was as much a defence of domestic political legitimacy (and national economic investibility) as it was ‘opposition’ or ‘resistance’ to hegemonic ‘Western’ (mis)representation. In addition, while the material and symbolic work of reimaging Kuala Lumpur had sought to negate (neo)orientalist imaginings of ‘Asian’ cities, the controversial scene rendered visible environmental ‘underdevelopment’ that has no place in a modern (vision of) Malaysia. Entrapment thus performed something in inducing Malaysian cities and citizens to ‘clean up’ their act, to practice ‘fully developed’ ways of seeing, being and being seen. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

10.
Kees Terlouw 《GeoJournal》2008,73(2):103-116
Subsidizing cross-border regions is a method to close the gap between citizens and the European Union. This analysis of PAMINA, a cross-border region in the Rhine Valley near Karlsruhe, discusses some of the difficulties of this policy. There are structural mismatches between the scales of different cross-border relations. These vertical mismatches are linked to the differences in the horizontal logics of economic and administrative cross-border relations. Especially cross-border commuting, made possible by European economic integration, has improved the daily life of many inhabitants of this region. Paradoxically this regional success of European economic integration is disconnected from the EU funded cross-border region. They not only relate to different scales, but the same spatial asymmetry generating this cross-border behaviour hinders administrative cross-border cooperation in PAMINA.
Kees TerlouwEmail:
  相似文献   

11.
The end of South African control over its former Southwest Africa Mandate and the imminent emergence of an independent Namibia provide opportunity for reorientation of South-Central Africa's export metal trade. How rapid this may occur will depend in some measure upon the political and commercial environment still to evolve in the Walvis Bay exclave. This, in turn, may be related to the future treatment of Namibia's critically placed white minority and to the political rhetoric of a SWAPO government. Any reorientation of the region's export trade will place the strategic CapriviStrip in a new geopolitical perspective, one better resembling that which Imperial Germany had in mind for this sliver of land than had evolved during 75 years of South African rule. Expansion of trade through the Caprivi Corridor should stimulate transportation development in NE Namibia. Were the Walvis Bay situation not to be resolved in a manner conducive to its future use by an independent Namibia or by neighboring states, then pressure to build a new deep water port will accelerate. The strategically placed fishing industry and the use of these waters by large foreign trawler fleets might be the stimuli for the initial financing of the construction of any new port. Luederitz, the country's true port, is inadequate to the task of modern commerce and is located too far from the economic and population core of the country.  相似文献   

12.
The territorial dimension of the digital divide is usually considered as a phenomenon that penalizes the peripheral regions, especially in terms of regional economic development. Taking into account the territorial networking of ICT (Information & Communication Technologies) infrastructures—particularly high-speed networks—provides what is probably the principal reason for such a perception. This is particularly true considering that the most-peripheral regions and those with the smallest population densities are also the poorest in terms of ICT infrastructures. In Western countries, however, the digital divide is no longer the result of network-related problems. Nowadays, the issue of the skills required to adequately exploit the potential of ICT is at the forefront. Yet this evolution is likely to lead to an inversion of the inequalities between the centre and the periphery, as populations without such skills—recent immigrants, the unemployed, the illiterate, people with little education or on low incomes and other socially marginalized people—are generally concentrated in urban centres. Consequently, the priority for reducing inequalities of access to ICT resources is no longer the provision of high-performance ICT infrastructures for peripheral regions, but rather the implementation of continuing education and social action policies within the urban centres.  相似文献   

13.
After decades of relative silence, the study of frontiers and boundaries is resuming a prominent place in political geography. The impetus for the revival of limology (border studies) comes from the global context of a post-Cold War order, which has led to challenges to existing political arrangements, and from the identity turn in human geography and related disciplines. The study of frontiers and borders needs to be integrated into the main theories of the discipline. World-system theory, long criticized for its lack of a territorial footing, offers an opportunity for extension of its three geographic scales (world-economy, nation-state and locality) to incorporate two newly-emerging spatial dimensions at the macro-regional (bloc) and sub-national levels. Global and geopolitical trends, as well as shifting identities at national and sub-national scales, are reviewed and their effects on the changing scales of territoriality are reviewed. A geographic model illustrating the shifting and overlapping nature of borders is developed based on the contemporary developments in Eastern Europe. The case of contemporary Ukraine, as an example of state-and nation-building, shows these geopolitical changes as complex and dynamic. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

14.
Milan Bufon 《GeoJournal》2006,66(4):341-352
The European continent, the motherland of nationalism, and the part of the world where political borders and different territorial and cultural identities are mostly interrelated, is now facing new challenges regarding how best to represent its numerous interests within one system. With the increase of international integration European countries began to devote greater attention to the development problems of their border areas that had to be helped to undertake certain functions in the international integration process. The fostering of a more balanced regional development also resulted in a strengthening of regional characteristics, which the new model could no longer ignore. Regional characteristics in turn have always been preserved in Europe by persistent historical and cultural elements of ethnic and linguistic variety. Therefore, it is not surprising that the process of European integration based on the new regional development model was accompanied by a parallel process of ethnic or regional awakening of minorities and other local communities. The key question for contemporary European (though of course this is not limited to Europe) political geography is, then, how the process summarised under the twin labels of social convergence and deterritorialisation will effect the persistent maintenance of regional identities and the corresponding divergence of regional spaces. Or, in other words: is the ‘unity in diversity’ European programme ever practicable and exportable on a world-wide scale or are we to be absorbed by a new global ‘melting pot’?  相似文献   

15.
This paper shows the importance that urban planning plays in the development of Hong Kong. This leads to a reassessment of the role of the government, which is the sole proprietor of the land, in the economy – while it acknowledges the importance of market forces. The first part shows how, since 1945, Hong Kong authorities have been obliged to intervene more in urban planning and local development, despite their liberal ideology. The second part focuses on the interaction between government action and market forces, and their influence in this development. The third part deals with the question of the economic integration between Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta (PRD) after China started its economics reforms in 1978. The deconcentration of Hong Kong industries to China was mainly due to market forces, but provided a new role for the government. This role is analyzed through its transportation policy – the domain with the most visible governmental intervention before and after 1997. It indicates the preference of the government to develop the territory rather than better integration with the PRD, because of the internal economic problems that may emerge from this integration. Nevertheless, for political and economic reasons, this integration is also seen as necessary. The future of Hong Kong’s economy lies in the answers the authorities will give to this dilemma.  相似文献   

16.
Merje Kuus 《Geoforum》2007,38(2):241-251
This paper investigates the role of intellectuals in the production of geopolitical discourses. It analyzes how the cultural capital of humanist credentials and artistic aura functions to authenticate and legitimate geopolitical claims. Drawing empirically from Central Europe and especially Estonia, I argue that intellectuals are central to the production of a particular ‘cultural’ concept of geopolitics - the notion that foreign policy expresses the state’s and the nation’s identity. As cultural capital gives intellectuals a special license to speak about culture, it constitutes an essential component in geopolitical discourses in Central Europe.The paper contributes to Europeanist geography by clarifying the mechanisms through which Central Europe is cast externally and internally as a place particularly imbued with culture and identity - a place whose integration with the EU and NATO represents its cultural ‘return’ to Europe. It takes us beyond the romanticized notion of intellectuals - especially the formerly dissident ones - as ‘speaking truth to power’, and offers a more subtle account of their role as producers of power discourses.Beyond Central Europe, the paper underscores the political and cultural milieu of geopolitical claims and the specific structures of legitimacy through which these claims are justified and normalized. A nuanced understanding of the role of ‘culture’ in geopolitical discourses requires that we closely examine the cultural and moral capital of intellectuals. This would also enable us to better delineate human agency in the production of geopolitics.  相似文献   

17.
Laguerre  Michel S. 《GeoJournal》2005,64(1):41-49
This paper briefly reviews the sociological literature on the “New” Chinatown phenomenon stressing its structural location vis-à-vis the “Old” Chinatown and the homeland. It defines the New Chinatown as a panethnopolis, that is a global neighborhood with a majority population of Chinese immigrants and of other ethnic groups of mostly Asian descent. It analyzes more particularly the formation, development, and integration of San Francisco’s Richmond District’s New Chinatown into both the city where it is located and the network of transglobal sites to which it belongs. It provides an interpretation of the New Chinatown as a cultural enclave within the context of globalization theory.  相似文献   

18.
This paper shows the importance that urban planning plays in the development of Hong Kong. This leads to a reassessment of the role of the government, which is the sole proprietor of the land, in the economy – while it acknowledges the importance of market forces. The first part shows how, since 1945, Hong Kong authorities have been obliged to intervene more in urban planning and local development, despite their liberal ideology. The second part focuses on the interaction between government action and market forces, and their influence in this development. The third part deals with the question of the economic integration between Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta (PRD) after China started its economics reforms in 1978. The deconcentration of Hong Kong industries to China was mainly due to market forces, but provided a new role for the government. This role is analyzed through its transportation policy – the domain with the most visible governmental intervention before and after 1997. It indicates the preference of the government to develop the territory rather than better integration with the PRD, because of the internal economic problems that may emerge from this integration. Nevertheless, for political and economic reasons, this integration is also seen as necessary. The future of Hong Kong’s economy lies in the answers the authorities will give to this dilemma.  相似文献   

19.
This paper uses spatial economic data from four small English towns to measure the strength of economic integration between town and hinterland and to estimate the magnitude of town–hinterland spill-over effects. Following estimation of local integration indicators and inter-locale flows, sub-regional social accounting matrices (SAMs) are developed to estimate the strength of local employment and output multipliers for various economic sectors. The potential value of a town as a ‘sub-pole’ in local economic development is shown to be dependent on structural differences in the local economy, such as the particular mix of firms within towns. Although the multipliers are generally small, indicating a low level of local linkages, some sectors, particularly financial services and banking, show consistently higher multipliers for both output and employment.  相似文献   

20.
The utopia of the binational city   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Kerkrade and Herzogenrath, on the German-Dutch border, look back at a common past in the former Land of Rode. This ceased to exist in 1815 when the border was drawn between Prussia and The Netherlands. Since then the people turned their backs to each other more and more and started orientating towards their own nation state. Only after the dramatic nationalism of World War II subsided, did the border loose some of its dividing effects on political and social life. Unification processes of the European Union strengthened this, and the rapprochement between Kerkrade and Herzogenrath has become so intensive that they present themselves as one town: Eurode. The identification of both towns as one territorial, institutional and social entity was and is essential for the success of Eurode. Yet, creating a feeling of 'we-ness' is not enough if the actions and thoughts of the inhabitants do not match this feeling. This article therefore deals with the different stages of cross border integration necessary before one can speak of a 'binational city'. The question remains open however, whether the binational city can ever be more than Utopia. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

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