Hydrocarbons, popular protest and national imaginaries: Ecuador and Bolivia in comparative context

This paper examines contemporary struggles over hydrocarbon governance in Ecuador and Bolivia. Our comparative analysis illustrates the ways that petro-capitalism, nationalist ideologies, popular movements and place conjoin in the governance of oil and natural gas. In the case of Ecuador, state employees drew on their labor relations and political training to oppose the government’s efforts to privatize the state oil company. In Bolivia, urban popular movements opposed the privatization of the hydrocarbons industry and its domination by foreign firms. In both cases, hydrocarbons struggles involved the production of imaginative geographies of the nation and it hydrocarbon resources, which in turn drew on historical memories of nationhood. Whereas neoliberal political and economic restructuring sought to re-organize national hydrocarbons companies, redraw concessions, and draft new resource extraction laws, hydrocarbon movements aimed to counter these processes by re-centering hydrocarbon governance within a populist vision of the nation-state. In contrast to analyses of resource conflict in the environmental security and resource curse literatures, the cases of Ecuador and Bolivia demonstrate that such struggles cannot be reduced to models of opportunity structure, war profiteering, or resource scarcity (or abundance). Rather, these cases show that political economy and cultural politics are inseparable in the context of resource conflicts, which involve struggles over the meanings of development, citizenship and the nation itself.     

Choosing a site for the capital of Europe

The European Union has achieved internal cohesion and international economic recognition, but economics alone has not yet led to a united Europe. Although this cohesiveness strongly influence regions and cities, and cities have started to refer to their European background, the member nations continue to hold regional and urban planning power. Forced to take unanimous decisions, the European Council of Ministers maintained the doctrine of a unique capital for 40 years, provoking numerous urban and architectural visions while simultaneously accepting the existence of three provisional headquarters, Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg. The host nations, Belgium, France and Luxembourg meanwhile oriented these cities to both European economic considerations and local needs.This article analyzes the logic that led to decentralization of the capital city functions, the reasons why cities were interested in hosting the European Communities, what individual cities and nations suggested and why the most obvious solutions were not adopted. The Maastricht Treaty, the ongoing strengthening of European and regional institutions, and the choice of the provisional headquarters as definite capitals in 1992 gives cause for hope that concepts based on European and regional necessities beyond the nation-state will now be elaborated. A European network of cities and regions including the three political capitals of Europe, as revealed by their infrastructures and buildings, seems to be the best expression of the meaning of European unity.     

Identity building and social transformation: the cases of Namibia and Botswana compared

Namibia and Botswana differ from other sub-Saharan nations in their record of stable political performance. However, both countries have to face increasing social problems. In the case of Namibia these are still mainly related to the process of post-apartheid national reconciliation and identity building, in the case of Botswana they refer to issues of growing tribal tensions and of a gradual interior restructuring of society. This paper analyzes the various patterns of social transformation in the two countries and examines in what ways state-society relations are different from other African nations. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Regional policies and regional consciousness in Europe's multinational societies

This paper is concerned with the political significance of the spatial economic activities of states. Regional problems are often the result of social differences which frequently are expressed in regional consciousness and loyalties and in turn they often create potential political and social cleavages and thus affect the cohesion and viability of the state. Various aspects of regional development policies in both western and eastern European multinational states which involve the spatial distribution of economic activities are examined. Planning the economic and social life emphasizes the regional allocation of resources, the coordination of national plans with regional objectives and increased consideration of the problem of lagging regions. Most regional movements are a protest against neglect and demand more local control and autonomy, therefore regional policies must be geared to the modification of long standing grievances resulting from past policies. In countries where increased participation by its inhabitants in the economic and social policies of their respective countries has been a matter of national policy, regional grievances generally have been kept under control.     

From national to post-national territorial identities in Israel-Palestine

Territory remains a central component of national identity in the contemporary political discourse between Israelis and Palestinians, both populations opposing power sharing within the same space, for fear of the other's domination. The contemporary political discourse relates to conflict management and the desire for separate spaces within which national identities are strengthened through territorial/national homogeneity. The Zionist national ideology of most Jewish citizens of Israel has strong territorial roots; hence they reject the post-Zionist post-nationalist ideology, regardless of whether they accept the possibility of change in Israel's territorial configuration or of a diminishment in the importance of the territorial dimension of national struggle. The rights of residency and citizenship even of second and third generation Jewish citizens remain linked with the territorial configurations of a State that will continue to be called Israel and have a national anthem expressing the aspirations of a single, exclusive, national group. But within territorial readjustment, issues of configuration may become less relevant and in it is this sense that post-Zionism focuses on a discourse of territorial pragmatism, rather than the disappearance of territory from the nationality-citizenship debate altogether. It is part of a process of re-territorialization and spatial reconfiguration of political and national identities, not a reversal of territorialization, if only because there is no such thing as a post-territorial notion of the organization of political power. The boundaries of national identity become more permeable, more inclusive, but they do not disappear altogether.     

The murky waters of the second wave of neoliberalism: corporatization as a service delivery model in Cape Town

This article reviews how the process of corporatization transforms public sector management by adopting private sector principles. It argues that corporatization, as an institutional form emerging from a second wave of neoliberalism, threatens to undermine the democratic accountability of local authorities by virtue of restructuring the state in ways that are invisible to the public yet with highly negative outcomes for low-income communities. The article provides a case study on the water sector in Cape Town, South Africa by tracing the local authority's adoption of three cost-recovery policies and their impacts on low-income households over a five year period (1997-2001). Engineers are the key agents in the promotion of cost-recovery policies in the efforts to deliver services more `efficiently'. While these officials are highly skilled professionals in dealing with the technical side of the production process, they lack the social training necessary to deal with the politics of distribution. The prominence of the neoliberal agenda in urban management can be in part be attributed to the power of the technical over the political as engineers displace politicians in the deliberations over how to deliver services to poor areas of the city.     

Nation and patria in the emerging world order

The article proposes that we rethink our time-honoured conceptions of nation. The idea of nation as it emerged through the conceptual changes of the term nation is scrutinised. Secondly, a discussion on political and cultural nationalism is introduced, drawing mainly on the European background. It is argued that although routes to the formation of nations as well as nation-states have been different, ideologies of nations are essentially the same. The conceptual roots of the idea of patria are looked at in the following section, helping to explain how the nation became the ultimate object of political identity and loyalty. Finally, based on the findings of previous sections, it is predicted that in the envisaged European supranational state, the idea of nation will eventually regain its cultural significance in unity with the idea of patria entering an era of de-nationalisation.     

Tectonic and Topographic Framework of Political Division

Boundaries between the various topographic, geologic, and socio-political entities that span the Earths continental surfaces are determined by a myriad of complexly interrelated natural and/or cultural factors. Areas of large river basins, of lithologic units on geologic maps, and of nations exhibit size frequency distributions that are closely approximated by density functions in which diameters of individual areas are distributed exponentially. As such, size distributions of each type of surface unit are closely modeled as randomly delimited areas. In other words, if one were to walk in a straight line across any particular continent, each step along that transect would embody some random continuous probability of passing out of a major drainage basin, or out of an area of more or less homogeneous rock type, or from one country to another. Moreover, this simple truism gives rise to area frequency distributions for large river basin or outcrop or nation area that are primarily dependent on the number of basins or outcrops or countries that exist across that particular landmass. As a consequence, the size frequencies of these areal units can be closely predicted knowing only the total area under consideration and the number of drainage basins, outcrop areas, or nations that exist within the area. The similarity between area frequencies of large river basins and rock types and nations suggests a nontrivial component of geologic influence on the partitioning of continental surfaces into major political divisions, and implies that cultural and economic factors, which serve to divide and unite political entities, do so within a geological framework.     

The Republic of Slovenia —geographical constants of the new Central-European state

The territory of the youngest European state is crossed by strategically important passes, the lowest in the entire Alps, leading from the Danubian basin to the Mediterranean (Italy). Thus, the Slovenes had been under cultural, civilization and political domination of centers from these two parts of Europe all until 1918. Because the mountanous land forms, dissected also by valleys and basins, were prone to processes of diffucion rather than fusion, the Slovenians became a national and political subject of their own as late as 19th C. From 1918 to 1990 they were joined with Yugoslavia, a SE European state, and learnt to their cost all the differences between the cultures of W and Central Europe on the one hand, and SE and E Europe and the Near East on the other. Hence the plebiscite decision by the nation for an independent state.     

Regional cooperation in air transport — Israel and the Palestinians

This article analyzes the basic structure of aviation in the Middle East and the development possibilities as a result of Israeli-Palestinian cooperation consequent to the peace process. This paper is a first attempt at estimating the advantages and disadvantages of such cooperation to the Israeli and Palestinian economies. In addition, the research leads to an initial formulation of how to maximize the benefits for both parties.Israeli-Palestinian cooperation offers more than objective economic advantages; such cooperation can also form a functional base for a political-policy framework. In economic terms, both sides can benefit from economies of scale and more efficient utilization of the existing facilities, thus avoiding the waste of valuable resources in establishing two sets of aviation facilities. However these economic criteria are not the only advantage of cooperation. In fact, critical operational and security requirements exist as well, both in terms of passenger security and safety, where air traffic control requiring coordination in a limited airways system. Furthermore, trends in the air travel market point to future bilateral agreements on the basis of blocs of nations and not individual countries. Therefore, Isreali-Palestinian cooperation would enable Israel to maintain the existing framework of favorable bilateral agreement with Europa and the United States.Cooperation of this kind is viable both economically and politically, as it avoids political conflicts by providing infrastructure on an equal basis to the Palestinians, either by lease or purchase of Israeli facilities. The primary advantage of joint ownership is that the Palestinians will save the development and construction costs of new infrastructure, while Israel can both develop the existing infrastructure and free funds for economic development. At the same it is possible to take advantage of economies of scale in order to reap the economic benefits of this process.     

Aspect of the specialty metals potentials of pegmatites in western Oban Massif, SE Nigeria: A preliminary geochemical approach

Minerals in general and rare-metals in particular are of invaluable importance in the development and industrialization of any nation.This is true as they could affect a nation’s national income,employment ratio,Gross National Product,and its entire economy.The study area(western Oban Massif-SE Nigeria) was investigated for its specialty metals bearing potentials because of(1) its geology,which is similar to other specialty metals bearing areas of the world;(2) past works,which points to the area as a likely source of economic deposit of such metals;and(3) the soaring cost of these rare metals in the light of recent upsurge in global information/telecommunication technology.Results from the study,show that only cesium(Cs) and beryllium(Be) show minute signs or indications of enrichment if properly harnessed.Thus these metals should be studied in details to ascertain their economic potentials.The rocks are too deficient in the other rare-metals(lithium,zirconium,strontium,tantalite,niobium,tungsten,gallium,and chromium) to warrant further analysis.     

实施“知名专家战略”，打造“知名专家工程”

现在世界范围的经济竞争,是综合国力的竞争,归根结底是人才和全民族素质的竞争和比拼。谁拥有高素质的人才,谁将是最后的胜者。本文通过对推行名人战略过程中的问题揭示与思考,表达名人战略对企业发展的重大意义。     

The economic effects of harmful algal blooms in the United States: Estimates,assessment issues,and information needs

During the last several decades, harmful algal bloom (HAB) events have been observed in more locations than ever before throughout the United States. Scientists have identified a larger number of algal species involved in HABs, more toxins have been uncovered, and more fisheries resources have been affected. Whether this apparent increase in HAB events is a real phenomenon or is the result of increased sampling and monitoring is a topic of intense discussions within the scientific community. We also have an inchoate understanding of the reasons for the apparent increase, particularly concerning the role of anthropogenic nutrient loadings as a causal factor. Whatever the reasons, virtually all coastal regions of the U.S. are now regarded as potentially subject to a wide variety and increased frequency of HABs. It is important to begin to understand the scale of the economic costs to society of such natural hazards. It is a common, but not yet widespread, practice for resource managers and scientists in many localities to develop rough estimates of the economic effects of HAB events in terms of lost sales in the relevant product or factor markets, expenditures for medical treatments, environmental monitoring and management budgets, or other types of costs. These estimates may be invoked in policy debates, often without concern about how they were developed. Although such estimates are not necessarily good measures of the true costs of HABs to society, they may help to measure the scale of losses and be suggestive of their distribution across political jurisdictions or industry sectors. With adequate interpretation, our thinking about appropriate policy responses may be guided by these estimates. Here we compile disparate estimates of the economic effects of HABs for events in the U.S. where such effects were measured during 1987–1992. We consider effects of four basic types: public health, commercial fisheries, recreation and tourism, and monitoring and management. We discuss many of the issues surrounding the nature of these estimates, their relevance as measures of the social costs of natural hazards, and their potential for comparability and aggregation into a national estimate.     

Programme-objective approach and mathematical models in research of development perspectives for Siberia

Economic geography has been enriched by modern scientific methods based on the ideas of systems analysis, optimisation, and economic-mathematical simulation. A system of models proposed by the Institute of Economics and Organisation of Industrial Production (IEOIP) of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences has as its methodological basis the programme-objective approach. It is national economic criteria that are used for selection of optimum alternatives of interregional proportions, development of each region being appraised according to its contribution to development of national production. For each region, in accordance with the place occupied by it in the territorial division of labour, complex programmes are drawn up, situational analysis being used widely with different probabilities of particular events being taken into account. The system of models of the IEOIP reflects interactions of two hierarchic structures of the economy (production and territory), includes five subsystems (blocks), and covers three main echelons of national economic planning. Two blocks of spatial models are intended for optimisation of schemes of locating productive forces of the nation, particular regions, and parts thereof: territorial-production complexes (TPC), zones of complete assimilation and industrial centres. The optimisation problems of national economy spatial structure, of production and spatial structure of the economy of particular regions are solved in co-operation with national economic models, models of separate sectors and multi-sectoral complexes. The main tool for optimising spatial structure of the national economy and regions are various versions of the intersectoral interregional model and a group of models for optimising creation of TPCs. With the help of these models a series of practical problems has been solved at the IEOIP, the findings of which are a basis for some propositions relating to development of productive forces of the nation, of Siberia as a whole, of particular regions in 1975, 1990, and 2000.     

Winners, losers and curate's eggs: Urban and regional outcomes of Australian economic restructuring 1971–1991

Since the early 1970s the Australian economy has undergone major transformations common to other western industrialised countries. Jobs in manufacturing declined precipitately whilst the service economy grew, most significantly in producer services but also in lower skilled jobs. Tourism and services exports began to rival traditional agricultural and mining staples. Social outcomes, also typical of international trends, included rising unemployment and polarisation of incomes. Australia's changing global context, especially the nation's increasing orientation towards Asian growth economies, have underpinned restructuring. A political climate of economic rationalism has facilitated and accentuated restructuring. The economic shifts of the past quarter century have meant that everywhere the basis for economic growth has changed. Overlaying and reinforcing the re-definition of competitive advantage has been a shift in the pattern of agglomeration economies and diseconomies. New growth regions have emerged, others have had their prospects reinforced, and still others have had their outlook diminished in absolute or, more commonly, relative terms. The paper traces the regional outcomes of national economic restructuring and shifts in the balance of agglomeration economies and diseconomies over the period from 1971 to 1991. The focus is on the top end of the urban hierarchy, on specialised industrial cities where job loss from manufacturing has hit hard, amenity regions where international and domestic tourism have been major factors in growth, and non-metropolitan balances where growth has been uneven but generally low. Demographic, economic sectoral and welfare indicators are woven into a tableau of change expressed at national, intra-state and intrametropolitan scales.     

The roads of the Sayan Mountains: Theorizing remoteness in eastern Siberia

The Sayan crossroads is a distinct cultural and economic region in the mountains of eastern Siberia. It spans three federal units in the Russian Federation: the national republics of Tyva (Todzha kozhuun) and Buryatia (Okinskii raion), as well as Irkutsk oblast (Tofalarskoe municipality). Attempts at integration by the state during the Soviet period and afterwards have privileged the construction of roads in a variety of forms to connect these areas economically with regional centers and, in turn, the rest of the country. Yet this process has been uneven and led to divergences in the economic regimes in each of the three regions that make up the crossroads. The evolution of subsistence economies, exploitation by extractive industries, and the development of tourism as an alternative source of income all differ across the three federal subunits. In turn, these divergences within the crossroads as a region point to variation in the condition of remoteness. Remoteness is an instance of relative immobility, determined by physical geography, environment, and ethnicity. And remoteness influences the function that roads play in integrating state spaces both economically and politically. In turn, this article argues for the foregrounding of the remote in the literature on mobilities in human geography, considering what the condition of remoteness allows for and forecloses in the articulation of state power and the integration of hard-to-reach areas.     

Wild horses and the political ecology of nature restoration in the Missouri Ozarks

From 1990 to 1996, the National Park Service and residents living near the Ozark National Scenic Riverways in south-central Missouri clashed over the federal agency’s intention to remove 25-30 wild horses from the protected area. The struggle was carried out in various legal and legislative arenas, the media, and in community protests and meetings. The dispute ended only with Congressional approval of the 1996 Omnibus Parks and Public Lands Management Act, which included an amendment ordering an end to any removal efforts.This article focuses on the contested social constructions of the horses themselves. To government scientists and managers, the animals represented a feral and exotic species with no legitimate place in agency-mandated ecosystem management and restoration scenarios. To many local members of the Missouri Wild Horse League, which contested the removal, the horses had critical historical and cultural importance as icons of regional identity, history and personal experience, and as core symbols of communities increasingly politically and economically marginalized.Local disputes with environmental groups and agencies concerned with Ozark ecosystem preservation and restoration have become more pronounced and numerous over the past two decades. This article approaches citizen opposition to environmental agendas not as an anti-environmental movement, but as a contemporary effort of marginalized groups to identify sources of economic, political, and social loss, and symbols of local identity and power. The wild horse issue reveals wider structural divides, and thus speaks to the question of which social groups shall have the power to impose their visions of the landscape and political economy.     

Regionalism as resistance: Governance and identity in Western Australia’s Wheatbelt

Extensive rural regions are facing major socio-economic, political and environmental change from the dual effects of agricultural restructuring and environmental degradation. While central governments often rely on regional level policy responses, local actors, such as rural local governments may resist these ‘top-down’ initiatives. This paper examines the oppositional response of 34 rural local governments to state-led regionalisation for economic development and natural resource management in the extensive and sparely populated Wheatbelt region of Western Australia. The analysis explores how state threats of amalgamation; shifting national policy empathies in rural development; and, local preferences for horizontal rather than vertical forms of cooperation are influential in catalysing a brand of defensive regionalism amongst local government actors. Adopting this defensive posture allowed local actors to both buffer state intervention and improve the effectiveness of their own cooperative planning and management activities for sustainable development. These observations are interpreted through concepts of collective identity formation, providing an analytical perspective that is sensitive to the inter-scalar politics in rural governance.     

Maps, newspapers and nationalism: The Finnish historical experience

Cartography has usually been perceived as an objective and exact science. Maps have been seen as actual presentations of the world or the area they depict. But another angle is also possible: they may be interpreted as social or political statements and tools for policy making. Therefore, it is important to aim at interpreting maps as products of their own time, in their own social and historical context. Iconology and hermeneutic interpretation may prove to be useful tools, especially when historical press maps are concerned. I will explore the ways in which maps were used in the Finnish newspapers, magazines and humorous magazines, with examples from the early 1900's to 1941. In many cases, the map was an essential part of the article or caricature, along with the text and other figures. They were often aimed to affect people's opinions and images, and to support Finland's territorial hopes in the Eastern Karelia. Among the other national symbols, such as the flag, national anthem or coat of arms, the map of Finland can be considered as a symbol of nationhood.