Neoliberalization, social reproduction and the limits to labour in Jamaica

Since the 1980s the Jamaican state has systematically withdrawn from investments geared towards enhancing the social and psychological welfare of its citizens, shifting the responsibility and cost for the education, health care and socialization of dependent members of the society to households and communities. This shift in responsibility for social reproduction disproportionately and negatively affected women, who have traditionally assumed primary responsibility for this necessary component of capitalist systems. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Jamaicans, primarily women, successfully rendered a spatial fix to the crisis by stretching the space and scale of their everyday means of existence beyond the nation's territorial boundaries. However, as this paper demonstrates, Jamaica is approaching the limits of its population's ability to reproduce the social structures and relations needed for social stability. This situation, that I describe as the 'limit to labour' is increasingly manifested in declining levels of social cohesion and heightened levels of violence in at all levels of Jamaican society. Although crisis has been a defining feature of social reproduction in Jamaica throughout its history, the emerging social crisis should be distinguished in its severity because it has begun to erode the social institutions and norms upon which Jamaica's social order has historically rested. It is the economic costs of this emerging limit to labour that ultimately pose the greatest threat to the sustainability of current neoliberalization processes.     

Regional governmentality: Neoliberalization and the Caribbean Community Single Market and Economy

Formally launched on 30 January 2006, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Single Market and Economy (CSME) is, like many other regional economic initiatives, designed to create an economic space in which the uninhibited flow of goods, capital and skills across the borders of member states is anticipated to generate competitive business opportunities and external investment. Despite the intensification of such regional programmes, promoters and critics alike continue to consider CARICOM to be an intergovernmental organization dependent on the political will of member states as they negotiate the pressures of neoliberal globalization. In this paper, I argue that such a framing of regional integration in the Caribbean misses some of the tangible ways that CARICOM works beyond the sovereign intent of member states to enable the encroachment of neoliberal-style economic orders across the space of the region. I adopt a Foucauldian analytics of governmentality to unhinge CARICOM from the governments of its member states. Once freed from a persistent statism it becomes possible to consider the technical competencies through which CARICOM initiatives increasingly connect and cohere with neoliberal rationalities. My goal in developing such an analytics is not to suggest CARICOM operates as a superstate but rather to broaden the sites considered relevant to understanding the encroachment of neoliberalism in the Caribbean.     

Public Targets,Private Choices: Urban Climate Governance in the Pacific Northwest

A survey of local governments participating in two urban climate change programs is presented to determine the mechanisms used to reach emissions reduction goals and the motivations for participation. Results support previous research that shows a preference for policies that rely on changes in individual behavior, while also providing new insights into how mitigation responsibilities are distributed among the public and private sector and the relative importance of scientific consensus, economic incentives, and federal inaction on local government justification for climate-related policies. The article concludes with a discussion of urban climate governance as part of a wider system of neoliberal climate governance.     

Beyond Gentrification: Mobilizing Communities and Claiming Space

During the 20th century, neighborhood change and the displacement of low-income residents from their homes has occurred in a variety of ways from the demolition of entire areas to more recent revitalization efforts emphasizing the building of community and new governance structures. In this paper, I argue two interrelated points. First, whereas economic displacement of low-income people from their homes and neighborhoods is one effect of neighborhood revitalization initiatives, there is a wider set of factors that constitutes the marginalization, displacement, and exclusion of certain population groups from effectively making claims on neighborhood space. Second, in an era of neoliberalization, whereby civil society is expected to play a larger role in neighborhood governance and the provision of social welfare, the formation and activities of neighborhood-based communities, and their relation to state and market forces, have become increasingly important factors to examine. In this article, I address these areas of inquiry through a case study of a neighborhood revitalization initiative in Chattanooga, Tennessee that has been under way since 1998.     

Knowledge,Innovation and Economic Growth: The Theory and Practice of Learning Regions. Frans Boekema,Kevin Morgan,Silvia Bakkers,and Roel Rutten,eds.; Illegal Cities: Law and Urban Change in Developing Countries. Edesio Fernandes and Ann Varley,eds.

In the Susette Kelo et al. v. City of New London, Connecticut, et al. decision of 2005, a majority of the U.S. Supreme Court held that the use of eminent domain by the New London Development Corporation, a nonprofit organization charged with redeveloping a depressed site in New London, Connecticut, was not a violation of the Fifth Amendment, which prevents the taking of private property for "public use" without just compensation. Unlike prior eminent domain decisions, the immediate beneficiaries in Kelo were private interests: the public benefit was simply the localized trickle-down effects of economic redevelopment. This short commentary argues that Kelo offers an instructive window into the contradictory geographies of property under urban neoliberalism. While neoliberal redevelopment frequently invokes and mobilizes private property, it may also dispossess owners and rework entitlements in the name of "highest and best use," as in New London. The social geographies of dispossession, however, are not equitable: smaller and otherwise marginalized interests may suffer disproportionately, despite ideological assurances to the contrary.     

Social Movements in Urban Society: The City as A Space of Politicization

Recent anti-systemic social movements have illustrated the central role of cities in social movement mobilization. We not only highlight the characteristics of urban social relations that make cities fertile ground for mobilization, but also point to the disjunctures between the geographies and spatialities of social relations in the city, and the geographies and spatialities of many systemic processes. Struggles for a more just society must consider the broad geographies and spatialities of oppression, which we illustrate with a brief analysis of the Occupy movement. Finally, we introduce the next five articles in this special issue, all illustrating the importance of the geographies and spatialities of urban social struggle.     

吉林市城市居住空间结构研究

以城市居住小区为统计单元,研究了吉林市城市居住小区的空间结构和社会结构.通过对吉林市居住小区资料的分析,归纳为5种类型:传统边缘小区、单位住宅小区、混合住宅小区、中低档商品房小区和高档商品房小区.运用密度分析法、圈层距离分析法和景观格局测度法,分析了各类居住小区的空间形态特征,归纳出目前吉林市城市居住空间的3个空间结构层次:中心城区、外围城区和城市边缘区.传统边缘小区主要分布在城市边缘区,在西部和南部边缘有较高的密度;单位住宅小区主要分布在中心城区和外围城区,地块破碎度较小;混合住宅小区数量最多,面积最大,主要分布在中心城区,外围城区也有较多分布;中低档住宅小区数量很多,分布较均匀;高档商品房小区主要分布在中心城区和外围城区交汇处的松花江沿岸,在城市边缘区没有分布.运用叠置分析法分析了吉林市城市居住空间的资源可获性,并将资源可获性划分为5个等级,其中混合住宅小区的资源可获性指数最高,传统边缘小区指数最低.通过对小区居民的调查问卷,分析了各个类别城市居住小区内居民的社会结构特征.发现小区的社会分异现象初显,居住小区内居民同质属性越来越弱,居民生活社区化明显,邻里关系淡化,老龄化特征凸显.     

Resilience and justice: planning for New York City

New York City has developed recent policy initiatives under the rubric of resilience. I consider the implications of extending the concept of resilience beyond the physical environment, analyze the effect of planning for adaptation rather than prevention, and finally examine the positive role played by community groups organized for environmental justice in responding to resiliency planning. My argument is that use of the term resilience tends to obscure distributional impacts and, even under a progressive mayor, supports neoliberal policy initiatives.     

长春市城市建设用地演进的空间识别及影响机制研究

随着城市化进程的加快,城市建设用地扩张成为人地关系及可持续发展面临的重要问题,社会各界对城市化与建设用地扩张的关注也越来越多。以长春市中心城区为研究对象,利用1800~1995年统计资料,1995年、2000年、2005年和2010年的遥感影像图及规划统计数据,运用GIS技术提取城市建设用地规模、形态、增长幅度、平均中心等信息,建立一种在空间上有效识别城市建设用地扩张的简便方法,对研究区1995~2010年不同阶段的城市建设用扩展进行空间识别,计算城市建设用地扩张速度、强度、形态紧凑度、分维指数等空间特征量,归纳长春市1995年以来,随城市化发展,城市建设用地空间扩张现象和特征。并结合经济社会统计相关数据及区域分析方法,分析城市建设用地扩张与其各类驱动要素之间的关系。结果表明,长春市建设用地空间扩张与形态演化既具有一般规律又具备特殊性,表现出建设用地总量增加、产业拉动性强、扩张速度快、强度高、空间形态不规则、城市中心迁移方向与建设用地扩张基本一致等特征。这些现象和特征形成的主要影响因素为快速城市化背景下开放式交通系统的高密度开发。     

探析城市规划引导下山地城市空间拓展的主导模式

以城市规划为视角,通过Google Earth和借鉴前人的研究成果,判别某城市是否为山地城市,然后对74个山地城市的规划图和文本进行分析.从分析的结果来看,在城市规划引导下,作者归纳出该类城市有以下四种空间布局形态:单中心外围组团式结构、(双)多中心组团式结构、"大分散、小集中"式布局结构、带状组团式结构.山地城市空间拓展在城市规划引导下呈现出以下情形:1.由于受自然条件的限制,大都采取跳跃式的空间拓展模式;2.工业空间拓展和新城(区)规划建设成为该类城市空间拓展的主导模式,而居住空间、科教空间、行政空间等的拓展在该类城市的空间拓展中也起着很重要的作用.     

郑州市居住空间演变过程与动力机制分析

回顾郑州市居住空间历史演变过程,揭示出居住空间的演变过程、现状特征和居住分异现象,指出国家投资战略与政府决策和城市经济的快速发展,主导着城市居住空间持续增长,城市发展战略和规划思想影响着居住空间的形态变化,而经济制度转型、经济结构调整、住房供给市场变化以及公众择居和迁移行为共同影响着居住空间的重构和分异.     

景观生态学视角下长春城市功能空间耦合特征研究

基于1995年、2003年、2011年长春市土地利用现状图和相关年份统计年鉴,结合ArcGIS10.2和Fragstats3.3技术平台,综合利用景观生态学方法从微观视角选取城市贫困空间、城市扩展新区以及城市单位社区对不同地域城市功能空间的耦合特征进行了研究,结果表明：① 城市贫困空间用地组合混乱无序,工业空间、居住空间与服务空间镶嵌分布,由此造成城市功能空间生产与生活功能的相互干扰;② 外部扩张的扩展模式导致城市扩展新区地域内城市功能空间的破碎化以及离散化程度不断加剧,并且工业空间在城市扩展新区内呈现出近域推进与广域扩散并存复杂化特征;③ 城市单位社区用地类型不断趋于合理化,用地混合程度不断提高,城市功能空间不断优化重组,城市功能空间界限开始模糊化,城市单位社区不断向社会型社区转型。最后给出了长春城市功能空间优化调控对策,即完善城市工业用地分类标准、倡导城市功能有机融合与适度分散、合理引导传统工业外围扩散。     

经济功能演替下的城市空间结构演化--以深圳市为例

文章首先研究从早期城邑到现代城市的经济功能演替、产业结构调整与空间结构演化的一般规律。然后应用实证的方法，以我国经济功能结构和空间结构变化最快的深圳为例，研究其改革开放后经济功能演替、产业结构调整和人口密度的变化对外部空间形态演化及内部空间结构重组的影响。以期探求现代城市经济功能演替与空间结构之间的相互演变规律。     

干旱地区植被指数(VI)的适宜性研究

以位于典型干旱区的甘肃河西地区石羊河下游的民勤绿洲为例,对NDVI、SAVI、MSAVI和GEMI等4种VI(植被指数)受土壤背景光谱影响的程度和探测低盖度植被的能力进行了对比研究。通过分析VI提取植被信息时植被土壤噪音比的变化发现,植被覆盖较低条件下VI提取植被信息总体受土壤背景光谱影响程度较低,相比而言,GEMI提取植被信息中受土壤背景影响最小,其他3种VI的区别不太明显。通过分析不同VI随植被覆盖度增加的反映速率变化及不同覆盖条件下不同VI的取值范围的变化发现,NDVI探测低盖度植被的能力最强,GEMI次之。GEMI可能是干旱地区植被探测较适宜的植被指数。     

大连城市绿地可达性对房价影响的差异性分析

研究房价、遥感影像等多源数据,采用邻域分析法和地理加权回归模型分析大连市中山区绿地可达性及其与房价之间的空间相关性。结果表明：① 房价均价14 745.35元/m²,呈环状分布,由沿海向内陆衰减、桂林街道起中心向外围递减;② 研究区内可达性最好的绿地类型是街旁绿地,绿地可达性总体水平最高街道是桂林街道;公园绿地可达性最好的住宅区分布在昆明街道和桃源街道,街旁绿地可达性最好的住宅区分布在桂林街道,附属绿地可达性最好的分布在老虎滩街道,其他绿地可达性最好的分布在桃源街道。③ 不同类型绿地可达性对房价影响作用程度递减排序为：附属绿地、街旁绿地、公园绿地和其他绿地;附属绿地、街旁绿地和其他绿地与房价呈现空间正相关,随着到达绿地距离降低,房价呈现增长趋势;公园绿地与房价呈现负相关,随着到达公园绿地的距离降低,房价呈现衰减趋势。     

空间认同:城市空间研究转向中的知识前沿、趋势与启发

中国城市化进程的快速发展,促使人们不断解构、调整和重构对城市空间的认同,这是城市化发展中不容忽视的新问题。以Web of Science（WoS）为数据源,对国外城市空间认同研究进行了分析和知识再现。研究发现：① 城市空间认同是人们对城市发展中社会经济认同、文化认同、集体认同、身份认同与情感认同的集合。作为重要的国民意识,城市空间认同主题是国外学者关注的重要领域,对该领域研究的本质上是对城市空间实践中人文主义空间诉求的知识表征;② 在2008~2017年的国外城市空间认同研究中,美国、英国、澳大利亚等国家具有明显优势,国际合作研究网络主要在美洲-欧洲、欧洲-澳洲,以及澳洲-欧美之间;国外城市空间认同研究高被引文献注重对“空间多中心性”“地方与连续性”“城市社区”“城市公民身份”“空间绅士化”“地方主义”等方面的讨论。③ 未来研究更加倾向在“认同”“空间”“城市”“地理”“政治”“地方”,以及“社区”等新主题方面。相比较而言,国内对城市空间认同的研究较为欠缺,随着中国城市空间实践不断推向纵深阶段,需要强化城市空间认同研究的“理论自觉”。     

发达地区城市空间水环境效应与影响机理研究——以浙江省宁波市区为例

以经济发达的宁波市区为例,通过水环境敏感性与水质现状两方面综合评价城市内部空间水环境效应,从中心城区至外围地区,因人口集聚水平、产业发展类型和水污染处理能力的差异,水环境效应指数不断降低;探究其空间异质性,各乡镇评价单元水环境效应指数存在正向相关;运用地理加权回归(GWR)模型,定量分析水环境效应影响机理,其中经济发展水平是水环境演变的基础,产业发展与人口集聚则是造成水环境压力的直接原因。人口空间集聚带来的水污染排放,产生的水环境效应远高于其它因素,是城市内部水环境下一步治理的重点。     

City renaming as brand promotion: exploring neoliberal projects and community resistance in New Zealand

ABSTRACT

Proposals to change the names of entire urban centres are rare. We examine the case of Blenheim, New Zealand, where in 2016, representatives of local businesses campaigned for its renaming as Marlborough City, in recognition of the region’s wine industry. Although defeated the proposal threatened to over-write established settlement history. It presumed to rename Blenheim under the aegis of New Zealand Inc., a shorthand for the pervasive yet nebulous economic nationalism that seeks to yoke all local and national identity to enhancing export growth. Drawing on media reports, we interpret this example of toponymic commodification as a neoliberalized project of place-making. Ironically, Blenheim and Marlborough are colonial names that displaced a long-established Māori name. The proposal highlights both the perversities and the deeply contested claims-making that often underlie and animate toponymic politics. Ultimately, it illustrates some of the limits of rights claimed under neoliberalism.