From feeding the locals to selling the locale: Adapting local sustainable food projects in Niagara to neocommunitarianism and neoliberalism

This paper traces attempts to foster local, sustainable food projects in Niagara, Canada as part of community economic development (CED) projects during two distinct periods of provincial governance. In the first period (1990-1995), social democratic government support for local sustainable food projects through CED can be understood as neocommunitarian in nature. During this time there was a concerted attempt to link local people with access to local food and also to support a relationship between local food projects and agri-tourism. I argue that this neocommunitarian policy was an accommodation to a wider and more global neoliberal hegemony and was underlain by a romanticism of petty commodity production and a tenuous link to social and ecological sustainability. In the second period of governance (beginning in 1995) the progressive conservative government led by Mike Harris pursued particularly virulent, revanchist forms of neoliberal governance. With many of their state supports slashed, Niagara NGOs and activists turned, and were pushed, to more market-led, elitist forms of local food projects and agri-tourism. In these latter food projects, the practices of ecological and social sustainability were significantly hollowed out and their local and light green nature was harnessed as accumulation strategies. The paper is based on interviews conducted in the year 2003 with people involved in various urban and rural food projects (including community gardening, community supported agriculture, local/seasonal cuisine, organic/ecological farming and food box programs).     

Privatizing farm worker justice: Regulating labor through voluntary certification and labeling

This paper assesses the possibilities and limits of efforts to incorporate social accountability into California agricultural production through voluntary certification and labeling, in the context neoliberal governance. We argue that, in its contradictory role as market mechanism, regulatory form, and social cause, certification both resists neoliberalization of the agro-food system and reinscribes neoliberal thinking. Unlike more traditional forms of social justice organizing, which have historically sought to alter power relations between labor, capital, and the state, the very notion that production conditions can be regulated through voluntary, third-party monitoring and labeling embraces several key neoliberal principles: the primacy of the market as a mechanism for addressing environmental and social ills, the privatization of regulatory functions previously reserved for the public sphere, and the assertion of the individual rights and responsibilities of citizen–consumers. Interviews with certification actors lead us to conclude that the strategic embrace of certification is driven by contradictory motivations within the movement for social accountability in agriculture, which can only be understood in relation to the confluence of a broader neoliberal political–economic order with California’s particular arrangements of farm labor politics and agro-food activism. Specifically, agro-food consolidation, rollback of protective labor regulation, the evisceration of the farm worker movement, and the conservative agrarianism of the sustainable agriculture movement intersect to circumscribe the realm of possibility and create conditions that undermine farm worker representation in the governance of agricultural labor practices.     

Tales of power in biotechnology regulation: the EU ban on BST

Biotechnology regulation has been dogged by allegations of bias, usually phrased in terms of ‘conflicts of interest’. Social constructionist analyses of regulatory science have shown up serious epistemological difficulties with such ‘interest’ explanations of regulatory power, but in the process they have also destabilised the platforms such as ‘objectivity’, upon which critiques of regulatory bias are usually grounded. This paper argues that their critical impotence follows from not being constructivist enough. Building on Hajer’s notions of ‘story-lines’ and ‘discourse coalitions’, it argues that recovering the non-human, material components that construct regulation offers sufficiently firm ground for evaluating regulatory power even in the absence of the firm benchmarks assumed by interest accounts. The paper develops this approach by focusing on a single story-line, characterised as ‘scientism’, as it is deployed in the build up to a European Union (EU) ban on bovine somatotrophin, the first food-related product of the ‘new biotechnology’. The essay ends by discussing how far this retrospective analysis can help us to understand and intervene in the current and future EU regulation of biotechnology.     

Experiencing agricultural failure: Internal migration, tourism and local perceptions of regional change in the Yucatan

In response to a growing body of literature encouraging geographers to present textured, regional case studies that demonstrate how neoliberalism functions at diverse scales, this article presents a nuanced account of neoliberalism in Mexico’s Yucatan peninsula. The study seeks to illustrate how neoliberal reforms to agriculture and ongoing neoliberal tourism development in the Yucatecan state of Quintana Roo intersect to create a unique regional context for migration between the state’s rural areas and Mexico’s largest planned tourism development zone in Cancun. The research presented is based on a series of in-depth qualitative interviews that took place in 2003 with rural residents and regional migrants working in Cancun. Through the employment of an experiential definition of neoliberalism, grounded in the lived experiences and perceptions of study participants, the article suggests that rural-urban tourist pole migration is the result of a complex negotiation of the region’s neoliberal landscape. The article argues that rural residents’ and migrants’ perceptions of the failure of agriculture as a livelihood is shaped relative to the perceived success of the tourism industry and better livelihood opportunities in Cancun. These widespread perceptions of agricultural failure in the Yucatan peninsula are constructed not solely in response to local conditions but rather in response to the overall regional outcome of neoliberal economic restructuring initiatives which have negatively affected traditional agriculture in the rural sphere while privileging tourism development in the urban sphere centered in Cancun.     

Walking the line: Participatory mapping, indigenous rights, and neoliberalism

Recent critiques of participatory mapping point out the degree to which, as a practice, it has become disciplined by legal prospects for recognition often adopted as part of neoliberal reforms. Yet while neoliberalism certainly disciplines the practice of mapping, they are not reducible to expressions of its dominance. Through a discussion of a participatory mapping project in the Mosquitia region of Honduras, I show how the practice of producing and using maps involves negotiating a spatially complex terrain shaped by multiple and overlapping forms of territory and authority. Insofar as mapping involves movement through this terrain, it engages multiple spatialities that inform assessments of the potential for legal recognition and critically awareness of its constraints. Questions of what to map and how to go about doing it are thus never merely technical concerns. Instead they are diagnostic of broader relations of power that position participants in mapping projects. Rather than producing an authoritative account of that process, my argument here is aimed at learning from it, developing the prospects for a critically-informed, collaborative approach to mapping.     

Poisoning the well: neoliberalism and the contamination of municipal water in Walkerton, Ontario

In May of 2000, thousands of residents of the town of Walkerton, Ontario became ill from drinking municipal water contaminated by Escherichia coli and Campylobacter jejuni bacteria. Seven people died, while many suffered debilitating injuries. A highly unusual and risk prone local hydrological regime, coupled with manure spreading on farms near municipal wells, and lax oversight by municipal water utility officials, were quickly blamed by Ontario government figures, including then premier Mike Harris. However, the scandal surrounding Walkerton's tragedy and a subsequent public inquiry into the incident also implicated neoliberal reforms of environmental governance introduced by Harris's government subsequent to its election in 1995. This paper examines the Walkerton incident as an important example of a “normal accident” of neoliberalism, one that can be expected from neoliberal environmental regulatory reforms arising from systematic irresponsibility in environmental governance. This irresponsibility is promulgated by an overarching hostility to any regulatory interference with free markets, as well as specific regulatory gaps that produce environmental risks. The paper also serves as a case study of the extent to which neoliberalism is constituted by environmental governance reform, and conversely, how environmental governance reform is reconfigured as part of the emergent neoliberal mode of social regulation.     

Neoliberalism on the molecular scale. Economic and genetic reductionism in biotechnology battles

New agro-biotechnologies promise bounty from fine-tuned molecular manipulation of food crops. They already provide profits and export opportunities to a few transnational seed/ agrochemical/ biotechnology firms. Against growing resistance in international arenas, industry and US government spokespeople have aggressively promoted genetic engineering, arguing that it permits precise control of life processes. However, this claim is based on a deceptive form of molecular-genetic reductionism which uses outdated notions of “genes” and “genetic codes” and disregards the interactions among molecules, organisms, their environments, and their social settings. This discourse, in turn, supports economic-reductionist arguments that genetic information should be patentable and that market-based management of biotechnology will benefit everyone. This double reductionism furthers the extension of the commodity realm to the molecular level. It treats biotechnology inputs (genetic resources) and outputs (transgenic products) as ordinary, tradable factors of production under globally standardized intellectual property regimes and bolsters proposals to regulate biotechnology under the World Trade Organization. Critics of this approach find some support in the Biodiversity Convention and its Biosafety Protocol, which would allow consideration of scientific uncertainty, socioeconomic factors, and pluralism in intellectual property regimes. They stress that natural-resource values and knowledge about nature are inseparable from place-specific ecologies, cultural practices of farming and science, and power relations.     

Beyond techno-science: Transgenic maize in the fight over Mexico’s future

Disputes about genetically engineered crops are linked to wider debates about the globalization of agro-food systems and its consequences for food security, social equity, and rural life. Biotechnology expert discourse rarely addresses these wider issues. An exception is the assessment of transgenic maize by the NAFTA Commission on Environmental Cooperation (CEC), which recommended a moratorium on Mexican imports of US-grown maize. Controversy about “contamination” of indigenous maize varieties by US-grown transgenic corn has been intensified by rising Mexican discontent with the terms of regional economic integration. In this context, scientists and officials were pressured to consider not only risks to maize biodiversity but also the ecological, and cultural characteristics of maize in its Mexican settings and the implications of asymmetric power in North American agricultural trade. In contrast to most narrowly-framed biotechnology risk assessments, the review took account of interventions by rural social movements. While the new moratorium was not adopted by the state, continuing conflicts over GMOs in Mexico have blocked introduction of transgenic maize and have enlarged the political space for debate over Mexico’s development direction. These conflicts reflect the differing interests of various state actors and economic sectors with regard to trade liberalization. They also reveal contrasting food-system paradigms: further agricultural modernization, export competition, and food-import dependence versus an alternative vision of revitalized rural life, farmers’ rights, and national food sovereignty.     

Locating the transgenic landscape: Animal biotechnology and politics of place in Massachusetts

The first major wave in the conflict over modern biotechnologies took place in the United States at the federal level. Biotechnology proponents were able to capture the federal regulatory structure, so today, a second wave of anti-biotech activism focused at the local and state levels is emerging. This article examines what enables or constrains place-based anti-biotech activism through a case study of the conflict over genetically engineered (GE) animals in Massachusetts. I demonstrate how, in spite of a highly visible animal advocacy and anti-GE presence, GE animal proponents have mobilized effective politics of place strategies to suppress local debate by exercising territorial control in relation to two places – the state of Massachusetts as a whole and the animal research laboratory specifically.     

Abandoned bodies and spaces of sacrifice: Pesticide drift activism and the contestation of neoliberal environmental politics in California

Recent research suggests that many key strands of California’s agrofood activism appear to accommodate, rather than confront, the neoliberalization of environmental governance, and that such accommodations might problematically constrain the transformative potential of activists’ work. In this paper, I examine the case of pesticide drift activism in California, which, as an exception to this trend, provides a provocative and useful case study for interrogating the influence of neoliberalization on social/environmental activism. I argue that California’s pesticide drift activism can be understood as a reaction to the spaces of sacrifice created and exacerbated by the failure of unionization-based pesticide reform efforts, a promising but compromised regulatory apparatus, longstanding farmworker powerlessness, neoliberal regulatory rollback, and neoliberalized pesticide politics – a mosaic of factors that have worked together to produce a regulatory structure that has always been better at registering pesticides than at reducing pollution. I show that pesticide drift activists’ reliance on confrontational practice, collective action, and strategic alliances have been crucial to the movement’s success with bringing visibility to this issue and with gaining traction in the political arena. Thus, at the same time that neoliberalization can exacerbate physical spaces of sacrifice, this case study illustrates that it can also, unexpectedly perhaps, generate new, non-neoliberal political spaces for social change.     

How “Water for All!” policy became hegemonic: The power of the World Bank and its transnational policy networks

As recently as 1990, few people in the global South received their water from US or European water firms. But just 10 years later, more than 400 million people did, with that number predicted to increase to 1.2 billion people by 2015, transforming water in Africa, Asia, and Latin America into capitalized markets as precious, and war-provoking, as oil. This article explains how this new global water policy became constituted so quickly, dispersed so widely, with such profound institutional effects. It highlights the prominent role of transnational policy networks in linking environment and development NGOs and the so-called global water policy experts with Northern high-end service sectors, and the ways in which the World Bank facilitates their growth, authority, and efficacy. This phenomenon reflects the World Bank’s latest and perhaps most vulnerable development regime, which I call “green neoliberalism.”     

The state and the regulation of biodiversity: International biopolitics and the case of Mexico

In this article, the evolving forms of biodiversity politics are examined in the light of regulation theory and in the tradition of materialistic state theory (Gramsci, Poulantzas, etc.). Biodiversity politics is not so much oriented toward the conservation of biodiversity as towards the creation of a stable political-institutional framework for its commercialization. In this contested and contradictory process, the nation state plays a crucial role. After a few remarks on the theoretical assumptions, some basic elements of the international regulation system of genetic resources are presented. The main topics of international biodiversity politics beside conservation are: access to biodiversity and its genetic resources, benefit sharing from its use and intellectual property rights. A major problem of this system is the relationship between varying negotiation processes in different fora. Another closely connected problem is the contradictory relationship between different regulatory levels at different spatial scales (international, regional, local). These contradictions are analyzed for the case of Mexico. Central issues of Mexican biodiversity politics, and the different actors, forces and interests are outlined and discussed against our initial theoretical reflections. Bioprospecting projects in the south of Mexico have raised questions of legal and legitimate forms of access, which have generated growing concern and significant disputes within Mexico. Finally, some conclusions are drawn, binding together the theoretical with the empirical results of our study.     

Agricultural multifunctionality, environmental sustainability and the WTO: Resistance or accommodation to the neoliberal project for agriculture?

The liberalisation of agricultural markets is one of the most contested issues in international politics. Debates surrounding it counter-pose the moral imperative to dismantle protectionist agricultural subsidies in order to combat rural poverty in the South with fears for the livelihoods of marginal farmers and the environmental integrity of the countryside in the developed North. A largely European concern with defending the ‘multifunctionality’ of agriculture is dismissed by critics as a protectionist excuse for continued farm support. In this paper we seek to assess how far support for multifunctionality can be construed as a form of resistance to the neoliberal project for agriculture. The paper begins with an analysis of the European negotiating stance in the Doha round and the subsequent evolution of debates surrounding multifunctionality in an international setting. Having identified the European Union as one of the key sites of articulation concerning the implications of trade liberalisation for a multifunctional agriculture, the paper goes on to argue that multifunctionality within the framework of European rural policy emerges as a much more elusive and susceptible concept, informed by radically different interpretations of the vulnerability of family farmers to greater market exposure and the extent to which agricultural restructuring should be regarded as an issue of wider public concern. This maps onto a technically complex debate about how best to procure environmental public goods in a period of rapid agricultural change. The paper concludes that with these differences still very much in play, questions concerning the compatibility of multifunctionality with market liberalisation remain deeply unresolved at an important moment in the internationalisation of rural policy governance.     

Weak ties, immigrant women and neoliberal states: Moving beyond the public/private binary

This paper engages with the vacillations in provincial and federal gender specific service funding in Canada between 2001 and 2007. I connect this state scale analysis to local settlement experiences of Sikh immigrant women living in a small British Columbia community. Using the concept of network analysis, particularly the idea of weak ties, I offer a corrective to the overly positive appraisals of strong ties and institutional completeness. I argue that experiences of settlement, especially in cases where women face various forms of domestic violence, are shaped by the articulation of neoliberalism and patriarchy. This analysis contributes to the ongoing reformulation advanced by feminist geographers with regard to the public/private binary. In its place this case study reveals the multiple public and private intersections and continuums that exist, and how the recognition of these geographies can assist in building effective public resources to tackle the challenges faced by some immigrant women.     

Rural community well-being: models and application to changes in the tobacco-belt in Ontario, Canada

In this paper we develop a model of changes in rural community well-being. The model conceptualizes four interrelated dimensions of rural community well-being: physical, psychological, social, and economic. The model recognizes that a range of external forces (political, economic, etc.) exert pressures on rural communities, of which changes in well-being are one outcome. The paper then applies the model to changes which occurred in the tobacco growing region of southern Ontario, Canada. It is argued that this region was impacted by a variety of forces, some general to farming, others specific to tobacco farming, particularly between 1979 and the early 1990s. The empirical application is based on a personally administered farm survey (n=63) conducted between July 1996 and January 1997 and agricultural census data for the years 1981, 1986, 1991, and 1996. The paper concludes by suggesting that the model provides a useful framework for analysing the forces and changing conditions of other rural communities, not only in Canada, but beyond.     

Antagonistic structures in border areas: Local milieux and local politics in the Polish-German twin city Gubin/Guben

Cross-border communication and co-operation at the Eastern fringe of the European Union seems so far to have been a matter of political initiative and a lot of good will at the levels of national, regional and local governance. This article maintains that everyday culture must be given more notice when cross-border activities are regarded at the local level, especially in twin cities. The case of the German-Polish twin city Guben/Gubin reveals a strong tendency towards a new divergence of thought and action between formal and informal levels of action, namely the level of local politics and governance and the level of local everyday milieux. While the politics of Euroregions, local administrations and local governments is very often directed towards establishing symbolic gestures of border-crossing and mutual understanding, social milieux at the ‘base’ of local societies are rather driven by a paradoxical mixture of hope, anxiety, resentments and prejudice, thus producing contradictions and even conflict with official political initiative. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

The Rio de la Plata craton and the adjoining Pan-African/brasiliano terranes: Their origins and incorporation into south-west Gondwana

The Neoproterozoic to Early Cambrian amalgamation of SW Gondwana through the Brasiliano/Pan-African orogeny is reviewed with emphasis on the role of the Río de la Plata craton of South America in the light of new evidence from a borehole at the eastern end of the Tandilia belt (38°S). U–Pb, Hf and O isotope data on zircon indicate that this un-reworked Palaeoproterozoic craton abuts against a distinct continental terrane to the east (Mar del Plata terrane). The craton is bounded everywhere by transcurrent faults and there is no evidence to relate it to the Neoproterozoic mobile belts now seen on either side. The Punta Mogotes Formation at the bottom of the borehole contains 740–840 Ma detrital zircons that are assigned to a widespread Neoproterozoic rifting event. The data suggest that the Mar del Plata terrane rifted away from the southwestern corner of the Angola block at c. 780 Ma. Negative εHf_t values and δ¹⁸O > 6.5‰ suggest derivation by melting of old crust during a protracted extensional episode. Other continental terranes may have formed in a similar way in Uruguay (Nico Pérez) and southeastern Brazil, where the Schist Belt of the Dom Feliciano orogenic belt is probably a correlative of the Punta Mogotes sequence, implying that the Dom Feliciano belt must extend at least as far as 38°S. A new geodynamic scenario for West Gondwana assembly includes at least two major oblique collisional orogenies: Kaoko–Dom Feliciano (580–680 Ma) and Gariep–Saldania (480–580 Ma), the latter resulting from oblique impingement of the Rio de la Plata craton against the Kalahari craton. Assembly of this part of South-West Gondwana was accomplished before the Ordovician (to Silurian?) siliciclastic platform sediments of the Balcarce Formation in the Tandilia Belt covered the southern sector of Río de la Plata craton.     

Les événements de la limite Permien–Trias : derniers survivants et/ou premiers re-colonisateurs parmi les ostracodes du Taurus (Sud-Ouest de la Turquie)The events of the Permian–Trias boundary: last survivors and/or first colonisers among the ostracods of the Taurides (southwestern Turkey)

Very few data on Early Triassic marine ostracods are available. In most of cases, the data concern the upper part of the Early Triassic. The Çürük da? section, located in the Western Taurides (Turkey), well stratigraphically constrained by conodonts and foraminifera, has been re-sampled for ostracod study. A significant fauna has been discovered in the Late Permian and the levels of the Earliest Triassic (Hindeodus parvus and Isarcicella isarcica staeschei zones). The ostracods of the basis of the Kokarkuyu Fm. are the oldest Triassic forms ever discovered. The occurrence of Palaeocopes in the earliest Triassic and similarity between the Permian and Induan assemblages suggest that the Lower Triassic Çürük da? ostracods represent a survival assemblage after the Permo-Triassic mass-extinction. To cite this article: S. Crasquin-Soleau et al., C. R. Geoscience 334 (2002) 489–495.     

Paleomagnetism and rock magnetism of the Neoproterozoic Itajaí Basin of the Rio de la Plata craton (Brazil): Cambrian to Cretaceous widespread remagnetizations of South America

A detailed rock magnetic and paleomagnetic study was performed on samples from the Neoproterozoic Itajaí Basin in the state of Santa Catarina, Brazil, in order to better constrain the paleogeographic evolution of the Rio de la Plata craton between 600 and 550 Ma. However, rock magnetic properties typical of remagnetized rocks and negative response in the fold test indicated that these rocks carried a secondary chemical remanent magnetization. After detailed AF and thermal cleaning, almost all samples showed a normal polarity characteristic remanent magnetization component close to the present geomagnetic field. The main magnetic carriers are magnetite and hematite, probably of authigenic origin. The mean paleomagnetic pole of the Itajaí Basin is located at Plat = − 84°, Plong = 97.5° (A95 = 2°) and overlaps the lower Cretaceous segment of the apparent polar wander path of South America, suggesting a cause and effect with the opening of the South Atlantic Ocean. A compilation of remagnetized paleomagnetic poles from South America is presented that highlights the superposition of several large-scale remagnetization events between the Cambrian and the Cretaceous. It is suggested that some paleomagnetic poles used to calibrate the APWP of Gondwana at Precambrian times need to be revised; the indication of remagnetized areas in southern South America may offer some help in the selection of sites for future paleomagnetic investigations in Precambrian rocks.     

Homogénéisation et validation des corrections de terrain gravimétriques jusqu'à la distance de 167 km sur l'ensemble de la FranceUpdating and validating the French gravity terrain corrections out to a distance of 167 km

For regional and national study purposes, there is a high need for updating the terrain corrections (TC) in the French gravity database. We have recomputed the TC for all the French gravity stations from 50 m out to a distance of 167 km. We compute the TC with a flat-top-prism algorithm and three DEM with grid spacing of 50, 250 and 1000 m, used in the zones 53 m/3 km, 3 km/10 km et 10 km/167 km, respectively. Analysing the DEM/station Δz and comparing our results to the ones previously obtained in the Alps area, we estimate the accuracy of our TC to be better than 1 mGal. To cite this article: G. Martelet et al., C. R. Geoscience 334 (2002) 449–454.